Are smallholder farms or medium-scale farms more productive in Nigeria?

Written by: Oluwatoba Omotilewa

In sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), support for smallholder-led agricultural strategy has been motivated by the stylised fact that smallholder farmers are more productive. This stylised fact is known as inverse relationship (IR) between farm size and productivity, which has been widely observed in developing countries around the world. Broadly, the IR suggests that smaller farms are more productive than larger farms. However, documented evidence of IR in SSA is largely limited to farms operating 5ha or less. This blog looks to a recent study of a greater range of farm sizes in Nigeria to better understand the reality of productivity as it relates to farm size.


The paucity of evidence of the IR between farm size and productivity that currently exists becomes especially concerning given the policy implications that may derive from limited evidence, and the recent rapid expansion of medium-scale farms in much of Africa. The fundamental question remains whether African agricultural development and food security can be most effectively achieved mainly by prioritising and promoting small-scale farm holdings, or if alternative modes or scales of production are required.

The current study

A recent study1 by researchers at Michigan State University and the African Development Bank (AfDB), with funding from the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa programme, examines the relationship between farm size and productivity among farm sizes 0-40ha in Nigeria. Given the limited documented evidence of IR, recent expansion of medium-scale farms in Africa, and the drive by the AfDB’s strategy to facilitate medium to larger-scale farms on the continent of Africa, this study provides the first empirical evidence to policymakers and development partners on the farm-size productivity debate in Nigeria. It is also one of only two studies to have examined the IR stylised fact in SSA – the only other known study examined IR on larger-scale farms between 0 and 70ha in Kenya.

The study, titled ‘A revisit of farm size and productivity: Empirical evidence from a wide range of farm sizes in Nigeria’, used primary data from uniquely sampled farm operators, ranging from smallholders to medium-scale farms. It also uses multiple measures of productivity, including gross and net crop and farm outputs. In addition to examining IR on a wide range of farm sizes in Nigeria, it also examines farm productivity among medium-scale farm operators to see if there is a difference in their productivity depending on their mode of entry into medium-scale farming.

Previously, evidence on the characteristics of medium-scale farmers show two distinct entry pathways: first, operators whose primary source of employment was small-scale farming and operating less than 5ha of land – termed stepped-up medium-scale farmers; and second, individuals who are primarily engaged in off-farm employment, subsequently acquired land, and started farming between 5 and 100ha of land – termed stepped-in medium-scale farmers. Understanding this heterogeneity in productivity among medium-scale farms operators, based on mode of entry into farming, may have significant policy implications for both agricultural productivity, food security, land distribution, and inclusive growth in Africa.

Findings

Findings from this study show a U-shaped relationship between farm size and productivity over the range of farm sizes between 0 and 40ha. This result indicates that small-scale farms are highly productive, as well as bigger farms on the wider end of the range. For instance, when farm sizes were restricted to small-scale farms only, the study results are indeed consistent with previous literature in the SSA region that IR holds among smallholder farms and productivity decreases as farm size increases. Moreover, when farm sizes between 0 and 40ha were examined in full, productivity declines as farm sizes increase up to 22ha – this is known as a turning point – beyond which farm productivity starts to increase as farm sizes continue to increase.

Figure 1: Mean distribution of gross farm output/ha (‘000) by farm size and emergence pathway (stepped-up or stepped-in) into medium-scale farming. Distribution is at 5ha intervals.
Note: fs*_**up represents farm size ranging from * to ** for a stepped-up operator
          fs*_**in represents farm size ranging from * to ** for a stepped-in operator
 Farm sizef5-10f10-15f15-20f20-25f25-30f30-35f35-40
Step-up (N)325732419000
Step-in (N)326993727958

Furthermore, when medium-scale farms operations are distinguished between those who were actively engaged as small-scale farmers and stepped up/expanded their scale of operation, and those who were primarily in non-farm employment and later stepped into medium-scale farming, the turning point for farmers who stepped up into medium-scale farming is at 11ha, in contrast to 22ha for those who stepped in. These findings show that the stepped-up operators tended to exhibit a positive relationship between farm size and farm productivity at an earlier threshold farm size than stepped-in farm operators, indicating that medium-scale farmers in SSA are heterogeneous in productivity, depending on mode of entry into farming (see Figure 1 for illustration).  

Conclusions and implications

Overall, the above findings have two implications: first, the exclusive focus of agricultural development strategies on smallholders should be questioned. Rather, a dual-pronged strategy that focuses on both smallholder and medium farms, while optimising spillover effects, will improve agricultural productivity in Nigeria and perhaps SSA. Second, policies facilitating smallholders’ ability to expand the scale of their operations beyond small-scale agriculture could contribute substantially to growth in farm productivity, agricultural commercialisation, rural development, and increased food security in Nigeria. However, in most areas only a small proportion (1 in 20) of smallholder operators are in a position to scale up without support. In addition, rural population growth in Nigeria presents a challenge to consolidating agricultural lands. Hence, any policy to enhance agricultural land consolidation among smallholders to increase agricultural productivity should focus on structural changes to create jobs and absorb the population in rural areas. 


1 Oluwatoba James Omotilewa, Thomas S Jayne,  Milu Muyanga, Adebayo B Aromolaran,  Lenis Saweda O Liverpool-Tasie, Titus O Awokuse, (2021). “A revisit of farm size and productivity: Empirical evidence from a wide range of farm sizes in Nigeria”. World Development, Vol. 146.

Photo credit: Emmanuel Eden Dzarma

Ghana’s agricultural commercialisation and food security: An analysis of smallholder farmers across gender and geography

Photo credit: Charles Nyaaba of the Peasant Farmers Association

A recent study by Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA) Ghana researchers addresses the question: under what conditions, and at what scale, does smallholder agricultural commercialisation promote or hinder food security? The study presents an analysis of how gender and spatial inequalities in resource control determine differential capacities to commercialise and the implications of agricultural commercialisation for food security in Ghana.

The research also assessed how availability of land allows male and female smallholder farmers in Ghana to equally engage in agricultural commercialisation, as well as how different triggers, such as necessity, impact commercialisation and, subsequently, food security. Further, researchers also analyse how gender and inequalities in resource control in different places determine the capacities of Ghana’s smallholder farmers to commercialise, and the implications of agricultural commercialisation on food security in southern Ghana, a predominant export area versus that of northern Ghana, which engages primarily in food crop farming.

This study uses different methods to examine the conditions, and the extent to which, smallholder agricultural commercialisation promotes or hinders food security in southern and northern Ghana.

Read the full study, here: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03066150.2021.1945584

Enhancing nutrition for a stronger, sustainable post-COVID-19 rice sector in Africa

Written by: Evelyn Otieno

In the second blog of a series following APRA’s participation in an Independent Food Systems Dialogue on sustainable value chains for Africa’s rice sector in a post-COVID 19 context, we examine the nutrition-related outcomes of the dialogue. The event, which was held on July 29th, 2021, was attended by participants from African countries including Burundi, Kenya, Uganda, and United Republic of Tanzania, as well as representatives of nations all over the world.


In conjunction with the International Rice Research Institute, Africa Rice Centre, the Centre for Africa Bio-Entrepreneurship, the Coalition for African Rice Development, and Japan International Cooperation Agency, APRA co-convened and participated in the Independent Food Systems Dialogue. The dialogue brought together stakeholders in Africa’s rice food system including producers, consumers, policymakers, and other value chain actors to explore ways of building sustainable rice value chains in a post-COVID 19 Africa.

Pathways for increased nutrition in Africa’s agri-food systems

The dialogue was especially timely now, as rice has become an important food crop in Africa, but the continent does not currently produce enough rice to meet its demand, which is expected to increase by about 30 million tonnes by 2035.

As players in Africa’s rice value chain focus on increasing rice production to meet this ever-increasing demand, there are concerns on the need to link production to the continent’s nutritional needs. In this regard, the dialogue, which comprised of an online public forum with regional stakeholders and experts and breakout sessions, discussed i) how to shift stakeholder perspectives to integrate nutrition and health into agricultural activities and research; ii) how Africa’s rice sector can respond to regional and global crises, including the 2007–2008 food crisis and the current COVID-19 pandemic, and the lessons that the sector players can learn to build back better; and iii) the evidence that policymakers and multisectoral partners respond to in the development and implementation of the necessary policies and programmes in response to these crises and to the surging increase in rice imports in Africa.

Dawit Alemu, Country Research Lead for APRA Ethiopia, noted that rice has been declared as an important crop for import substitution in Ethiopia, but like other African countries, its production faces challenges. “Rice production in Africa experiences challenges, such as competition with imports, and each actor engages differently in the sector. Besides, different African countries have rice development strategies, but their implementation remains challenging. Therefore, we need to look at the sector case by case to address these challenges,” says Alemu.

To address these challenges, the conference proposed the integration of nutrition in efforts to increase agricultural production. This integration should include processing, nutrient diversification, fortification, use of fertilisers, adequate water supply, efficient distribution and post-harvest handling, financing, rice safety regulations, certification, inspection, support for women and youth, information, and incentives for actors to enhance the nutrition content of rice. 

Also important is the need to strengthen communication between the value chain actors, support informal markets, put in place infrastructure such as electricity, and ensure food safety from the farm to the fork through adequate infrastructure and innovations for effective drying, safe storage, packaging, and transportation.

The dialogue also proposed impact assessment and research which should yield good data to influence production and improve nutrition. Further, researchers should speak with one voice to influence policy and programming.

Conclusion

This dialogue provided a platform to consolidate efforts of players in Africa’s rice value chain to use timely, high-quality, and independent information to improve agricultural policy and practice to achieve inclusive sustainable agri-food systems in Africa, thereby contributing to the achievement of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.


To learn more about this dialogue, read the first blog in this series, here.

Does sunflower commercialisation empower women in Singida, Tanzania?

Written by: Devotha B. Mosha, Aida Isinika, John Jeckoniah and Gideon Boniface 

This blog explores the findings of APRA Working Paper 59, which investigates the influence of sunflower commercialisation and diversity on women empowerment in Singida region, Tanzania. This study assesses the assumption that women engagement along Tanzania’s sunflower value chain empowers them socially, economically, and politically, and its contribution to their sense of individuality, self-respect, and confidence.


Sunflower commercialisation trends in Singida, Tanzania

Over the last two decades, sunflower has increasingly become an important source of income not only in Tanzania’s Singida region but also across the country. This can be attributed to efforts by the government, non-governmental organisations, and development agencies to transform the sunflower subsector, to improve livelihoods, and reduce poverty through the promotion of agronomic practices aimed at increasing yields. Importantly, these efforts also aim to promote sustainable agricultural commercialisation and the involvement of women and youth.

Women in Tanzania experience gender inequality in access to, and control over, production resources such as land, which limits their engagement in sunflower commercialisation and leads to minimal benefits from sunflower production and less empowerment for the women. This calls for strategic efforts to narrow the gender gaps in the agricultural sector to ensure that both men and women benefit from sunflower production and commercialisation.

There are gender gaps in sunflower production and commercialisation

The study found that there are gender gaps in sunflower production and commercialisation, as illustrated by unequal sex-based division of, access to, and control over productive resources and benefits, leading to challenges such as limited women empowerment.

Access to land in this case means the power of women to acquire land and their rights to use and decide how to use that land, as well as benefit from income, food, fuel (wood and timber) which is produced from the land. Control over land is the right to exclude a person from land, and ownership is the right to transfer land rights to members or non-members of a family through bequests, gifts, selling or renting. Transfer enables someone to use the land as collateral to acquire a loan, and to use resources from the land.

Even though men and women in Tanzania have equal rights to land, the enforcement of such rights depends on the socio-cultural context enshrined in the country’s customary land rights, which favours men. Therefore, women’s participation in decision-making on productive resources and ensuing benefits depends on how much they are empowered and how they agitate for these rights.

The study revealed that sunflower yields amongst men are higher than that of women. These low yields limit opportunities for women to engage in sunflower processing and commercialisation, and this also constrains their social and economic benefits. There is also unequal division of labour between women and men on agricultural activities, and cultural norms exclude women from decision-making on marketing and income from sunflower commercialisation.

Women empowerment in the sunflower value chain

The study found that women’s control over land is low at 22.5 per cent, and their collective action is also low at 17.8 per cent. Women are more empowered in decision-making on agricultural production, and they spend more time on sunflower production. Importantly, women’s rights to agricultural productive resources are important for their socio-economic empowerment and progressive livelihood.

One of the most important findings from this study is that traditional land ownership by women is highly valued in some villages because of sunflower commercialisation, as women strive to increase income for household improvement and production of sunflower cooking oil which is healthier. However, some men oppose this practice as they are unsure of outcomes of land ownership after divorce or separation in which women continued to own previously-allocated pieces of land. As a result, men’s adoption of traditional land ownership by women depends on marital stability.

Women empowerment is related to the benefits that they get from engaging in sunflower commercialisation, which enables them to engage in income-generating activities such as re-processing of crude oil (ugido) to extract oil for personal use or for sale to their neighbours. Other women gain employment by providing winnowing and sorting services prior to sunflower seed processing. The study found that income from sunflower commercialisation increased food availability, and opportunities for diversification of livelihood options in both on-farm and non-farm activities. This relationship between diversified livelihood options, such as production of other crops and other income-generating activities, shows that the concerned women were more empowered.

Conclusions and recommendations

Women derive fewer benefits from their engagement in sunflower commercialisation compared to men due to cultural norms. These norms exclude women from decision-making on marketing and spending of income from farm proceeds, and access to and control of land resources.

Although sunflower commercialisation contributes to women empowerment, diversification into other economic activities is essential for their empowerment. The study recommends that the government and other sunflower value chain actors should increase support for women initiatives and create awareness on the importance of women’s right to access, and control land. This will enable women to benefit equally from social and economic empowerment to improve family livelihoods. Such efforts will eventually weaken negative cultural norms which undermine women participation in sunflower commercialisation and related economic activities.

APRA Brief 27: Commercialising Pastoralist Livestock Systems in East Africa

Written by: Andy Catley

Across East Africa’s vast rangelands, pastoralist livestock systems have been commercialising since the early 1900s. Commercialisation has varied widely within and between areas, but now includes substantial livestock exports, regional and cross-border trade, and supply to domestic markets. This policy brief examines some of the key features of pastoralism that affect how commercialisation evolves in pastoralist societies, and why poorer producers often benefit least from new market access. The policy brief draws on a substantial body of research and programme evaluations, and two new APRA research reports on pastoral livestock commercialisation in south-east Ethiopia (Gebresenbet, 2020) and northern Kenya (Roba, 2020).

Rice commercialisation, agrarian change and livelihood trajectories: Transformations on the Fogera Plain of Ethiopia

Written by: Dawit Alemu

This blog summarises APRA Working Paper 61, which explores the commercialisation of rice in Ethiopia since its introduction in the early 1970s. This process has evidenced wider agrarian changes that have contributed to the emergence and development of diverse livelihood options. The paper presents the role of increased rice commercialisation for the observed agrarian changes and the livelihood trajectories, based on both primary and secondary data sources generated from the Fogera plain.


Rice commercialisation and agrarian changes

Rice is a relatively new crop in Ethiopia. Its introduction was linked with the quest to address the challenges of different public interventions on food security and resettlement during the Derg Regime (officially the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia). In recent years, the crop has grown to become one of the country’s most important commodities both in terms of domestic production, import and overall consumption.

Rice field at Fogera district, Ethiopia

With increased commercialisation of rice, there have been diverse and dynamic changes in agrarian relations in the Fogera Plain. In general, agrarian change is associated with changes in farming systems, land tenure, labour and other input markets, rural-urban linkages and changing social relations. In this regard, we identify five main processes of agrarian change affected by, and affecting, rice commercialisation in the Fogera Plain. These are: i) changes in the farming systems; ii) dynamism in the land tenure systems; iii) changes in rural labour and gender relations, iv) changes in the type and use of agricultural technologies; and (v) changes in rural markets and rural-urban linkages.

  1. Farming system dynamics: The introduction and expansion of rice in the Fogera Plain has brought considerable land use change with differentiated results in the two major agroecological zones found in the area (Lowland and Upland). Rice production was unknown in the upland areas of the Fogera Plain some three decades ago. Linked with the introduction of upland rice varieties through the national research system, the production of rice has emerged as one of the primary production options. Accordingly, the production of rice, other cereals, and vegetables has been increasing while there has been a decline in the importance of oil crops and livestock in the upland areas. The lowland agroecological zone has been the most food insecure area in Fogera due to persistent flooding and waterlogging during the main production season. Accordingly, livestock and pulses that grow on residual moisture play an important role in the livelihoods of smallholders. With the introduction of rice and its subsequent commercialisation, however, the lowland areas have become increasingly food secure with increased investment in supplementary irrigation for vegetable production. As a result, the importance of livestock (Fogera cattle breed) has considerably declined.
  2. Land tenure dynamics: Increased agricultural commercialisation has been among the key factors leading to the emergence of different forms of land transfer mechanisms, with associated challenges and opportunities. Under the prevailing policy frameworks, the land markets in Fogera Plain follow two approaches, namely land sharing and leasing, which are either formal or informal legal arrangements. In addition, due to an increase in the number of landless youths, former common grazing lands have been administratively allocated to landless youth farming families estimated at 1,600ha of land for 2,950 young families only in Fogera district.
  3. Dynamism in rural labour markets: Fogera Plain used to be a source of migrant labour. However, the expansion and intensification of rice production in the region has contributed to the emergence of a thriving off-farm labour market, which is able not only to absorb the available excess labour but also to attract labourers from other areas. Demand for unskilled rural labour for land preparation, cultivation, weeding, harvesting, product sorting and loading, and similar activities has grown considerably, and estimates indicates that 55.4 per cent of rice farmers use hired labour for operations such as ploughing, weeding, harvesting and/or threshing.
  4. Changes in the type and use of agricultural technologies: Farmers reported an increased use of modern agricultural technologies such as quality seed of preferred varieties, agro-chemicals (chemical fertiliser, herbicides and pesticides), and irrigation technologies (water wells and pumps).
  5. Changes in rural markets and rural-urban linkages: Rural input and output markets in the Fogera Plain have been expanding as rice production and commercialisation have increased and demand for rice and rice products has grown, both locally and regionally. A dynamic land market has emerged (mainly related to land rent), as well as rural agricultural product markets, private rural services (input suppliers, transport providers, processors, etc.), and brokerage locally called ‘Delala’. These changes have led to the perception of the Fogera Plain among both government officials and local people as a land of surplus with diverse livelihood options, rather than a land of persistent poverty and food insecurity. This is the primary reason as to why farmers in the region call rice “our white gold”.
Rice weeding in Fogera

Livelihood trajectories and impacts

The expansion of rice production and its commercialisation has brought diverse livelihood improvements directly to farming households in Fogera. Other actors in the rice value chain have also benefitted directly from the spill-over effects in terms of non-farm investments linked to increased farm household income. Indirectly, growing incomes from rice have led to increased demand for goods and services that have attracted investment in different sectors, including hospitality, banking, transportation, wholesale and retailing.

Conclusion

We conclude that the assessed trends indicate clear evidence of the importance of rice commercialisation for bringing dynamism to agrarian changes and livelihood options in the Fogera Plain. These changes have led to the improved perception of the Fogera Plain among both government officials and local people. Accordingly, we recommend that the evidence is scaled up to other identified rice growing areas of the country, if the country is to ensure its self-sufficiency in rice.

Building sustainable post COVID-19 value chains for Africa’s rice sector: Outcomes of an East African Dialogue

Written by: Evelyn Otieno

This blog reflects on the recent East Africa Independent Food Systems Dialogue, which brought together rice producers, the research and academic community, donors and investors, the private sector and farmers which aimed to discuss and develop pathways to building sustainable value chains in Africa’s rice sector.


Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries the world over grapple with its negative socio-economic effects. Reduced food production, ill health, business closures, job losses, lockdowns, reduced labour availability, and declining economies are just some of the COVID-related challenges facing global populations.

As countries work to build back after the pandemic, one cross-cutting priority is building sustainable food systems to provide food not only for today’s consumption but also to ensure food security in years to come. The story is the same, if not worse, in Africa, where effects of the pandemic have ravaged the continent’s fragile food systems. More than ever before, there is an urgent need for sustainable food systems in the region, especially through agricultural value chains given that agriculture is the primary economic activity in most African economies.

The Future Agricultures Consortium (FAC) remains at the forefront of research to provide timely, high-quality, and independent information and advice to improve agricultural policy and practice in Africa. As part of its work, FAC has recently focused on the impact of COVID-19 on livelihoods and food security. In such efforts, the consortium participated in the independent dialogue dubbed IRRI East Africa Independent Food Systems Dialogue.

The dialogues entailed an online broadcast of a public forum, which paved the way for panel discussions on topics such as policy, research, and investment. The sessions involved other actors in Africa’s rice sector, including the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA), the Japan International Cooperation Agency, the Coalition for African Rice Development, the Center for African Bio-Entrepreneurship, CGIAR, government and other stakeholders in the sector.

What data is needed to motivate actors in Africa’s rice sector

In his opening remarks, Dr Abdelbagi Ismail, IRRI Regional Representative for Africa, noted that the rice value chain has become longer, but faces challenges such as decreasing access to production resources, inadequate research capacity and challenges in the implementation of individual countries’ rice development strategies. He noted that research should address these challenges, and provide information for the development of appropriate agricultural pathways and opportunities. Dr Ismail went on to ask what data is needed to motivate players in Africa’s rice sector.

A panel report excerpt by APRA CEO John Thompson provides an answer to Dr Ismail’s question, emphasising that, “it is important to have good data and evidence-based arguments to support policies that strengthen the rice sector.” Thompson added that “speaking with one voice and an ability to influence policy and programming would be important in the search for sustainable value chains for East Africa’s rice sector.” Discussion from this panel also called for an introduction of standards to improve the quality of rice which is produced. There is a need for diverse processors who are well connected and can work with governments. Also important is improved access to financing, investments in irrigation, sustainable water management, efficient transport systems, continuous research, and strong rice associations.

Need for integrated value chain research

Participants in Session Three, which discussed rice research and production, noted that research has focused heavily on production, thus excluding other players in the rice sector who are not necessarily involved in production. Dr Mary Mwale, a food security specialist in the Kenya Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries, reported that “although the government has subsidy programmes, Kenya’s rice sector has not received much support.”

This session recommended that rice research should improve nutrition and lead to increased production to match consumer preferences. It also recommended increased communication between value chain actors, support for informal markets and food safety from the farm to the fork (production, farm management, harvesting, transport and processing). Nutrient diversification, comprehensive planning, investment in infrastructure, innovation, integration of nutrition, improved availability of inputs, and access to finance are all important in achieving sustainable rice systems in Africa.

Need for relevant agricultural investments and initiatives

The conference noted that research can contribute to food outcomes if all involved actors have a common understanding of the status of the rice sector. Professor Joyce Kinabo, food technology nutritionist, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Tanzania, called for an understanding of the value chain. “Value chains are different in terms of operations, and there is a need to contextualise the rice value chain, share information, enhance proper data management, and understand nutrition outcomes and local initiatives to deliver context specific interventions,” she explains.

Conclusion

As we talk about the UN Food Systems Summit, we need to think about how to make our actions politically sustainable through the implementation of sustainable, consistent policies across Africa. For research to contribute to policy-making, researchers and policymakers should understand each other. There should also be increased collaboration at all levels, such as between researchers, governments and farmers, and through regional organisations and dialogues like this one, which lay a foundation for food systems transformation in Africa.

Agricultural commercialisation and changing labour regimes in Zimbabwe

Written by: Toendepi Shonhe, Ian Scoones and Felix Murimbarimba

This paper explores the emerging labour regimes and the consequences for agricultural commercialisation across multiple land-use types in post land reform Zimbabwe. The livelihoods of farmworkers, including those still resident in former labour compounds, are explored. The paper examines patterns of employment, land access, crop farming, asset ownership and off-farm activities, highlighting the diversification of livelihoods. The old pattern of wage-employed, permanent farmworkers is increasingly rare, as autonomous, flexible combinations of wage work, farming and a range of entrepreneurial and informal activities emerge. The paper thus engages with the wider debate about the changing nature of ‘work’ and ‘employment’, alongside discussions about the class implications of ‘working people’ and ‘fractured classes of labour’ in transforming agrarian economies. Without a captive, resident workforce, commercial agriculture must mobilise labour in new ways, as the farm work and workers have been refashioned in the new agrarian setting.

End of the road? The future of smallholder farmers in Malawi

Written by: Blessings Chinsinga, Mirriam Matita, Loveness Msofi, Masautso Chimombo, Stevier Kayitsa and Jacob Mazalale

This paper reflects on the findings of APRA Working Paper 56 and APRA Working Paper 58 to understand the reality of smallholder farming in Malawi, and what the future can be expected to hold for individuals involved in this sector. Further, the authors assess why the current outlook of smallholder farming is as it is, and seeks to understand the policy landscape that could carve a space for small-scale farmers in Malawi’s agricultural future.


Background

Two recent studies by the Agriculture Policy Research in Africa (APRA) consortium paint a fairly bleak picture about the future of smallholder farmers in Malawi.

The conclusion of the first study (Working Paper 56), which examined the political economy of agricultural value chains with particular focus on groundnuts, shows that the majority of smallholder farmers are being displaced by emerging urban middle-class farmers who are buying and consolidating land, especially in rural districts within 120km radius of the Capital City, Lilongwe.

The second study (Working Paper 58) examined commercialisation experiences of smallholder farmers over a ten-year period through a tracker that used both quantitative and qualitative tools to assess the extent to which these farmers commercialised their agriculture during this period. The study found that the majority of these farmers are either hanging in or dropping out of agriculture, and rarely engage with markets on a sustainable commercial basis.

Policy context

Even though smallholder farmers are in decline, they remain a dominant force on Malawi’s agricultural landscape. They make up 80 per cent of farmers and produce most of the food for domestic consumption. This is reflective of the global trends. It is estimated that, globally, smallholder farmers make up 75 per cent of the entire farming population, while in southern Africa, smallholder farmers equally constitute 80 per cent of the total farming community.

Land available to smallholder farmers is steadily diminishing. Latest estimates indicate that land per capita is projected at 0.33 ha; 76 per cent of smallholder farmers work on less than a hectare; about 30 per cent work on less than half a hectare; agricultural productivity is very low despite increased use of organic fertiliser; and 42 per cent work on farms where sustainable intensification may not be possible with existing on-shelf agricultural production technologies.

These developments notwithstanding, the agriculture sector remains the main employer in Malawi. It is estimated that agriculture employs about 70 per cent of the population, compared to the 8 per cent employed in the industrial sector, for example, and the service sector is increasingly employing more people, estimated at 20 per cent.

The foregoing statistics indicate that Malawi is rapidly turning into a non-producing and vending economy. The sluggish growth of the agricultural sector implies that it cannot fully absorb Malawi’s predominantly youthful population. About two-thirds of the population is under 24 years and 45 per cent is under 15 years.

Challenges for smallholder farmers

The two studies shed some light on the factors that have conspired to make the future of smallholder farmers in Malawi challenging.

There has been an acceleration of local land grabs, although externally driven land grabs are also an issue. The emerging urban middle-class farmers, popularly referred to as ‘weekend farmers’ or ‘phone farmers’, are pushing smallholder farmers out of their land. This dynamic is creating a new group of farmers owning 5-10 ha. It is estimated that currently about 78 per cent of smallholder landholdings stand at about 0.59 ha.

Smallholder farmer productivity is stagnating due to the dominance of subsidies, largely propelled by electoral political considerations by successive governments since the late 1990s. This has resulted in total neglect by the Ministry of Agriculture of activities such as research and development, education (especially farmer extension) and infrastructure (especially roads, irrigation and electricity) which generate the greatest return on investment. In the 2020/21 fiscal year, for example, it is estimated that subsidies took up to 78 per cent of the budget for the Ministry of Agriculture.

All the key policies that have been developed in recent years prioritise, if not reify, large-scale agriculture as the surest way for Malawi to achieve fundamental and sustainable structural transformation. Key examples include the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy III; the National Export Strategy; and the Malawi 2063. These policy frameworks promote a dominant narrative that suggests that smallholder farmers are no longer viable and that they belong to the economy of yesterday.

The fate of smallholder farmers in Malawi is further exacerbated by the worsening climatic conditions. With limited capability to adapt to the adverse effects of climate change, many smallholder farmers in Malawi have experienced a significant productivity decline which strengthens the dominant narrative that they do not belong in Malawi’s agricultural future.

The paradox, however, is that even though the dominant narrative projects large-scale agriculture as the surest way to transform Malawi’s agriculture, electoral considerations push practice toward smallholder farmers, especially through subsidies. This simply entrenches incentives for populist measures that distribute rather than invest public resources.

Any future for smallholder farmers?

Even though policy discourses and frameworks increasingly champion large-scale agriculture as the future of African agriculture, there is still room for smallholder farmers. The future of smallholder farmers will greatly depend on the robustness of policy measures that can be put in place.

It is quite difficult to imagine the future of Malawi’s agriculture without smallholder farmers. They remain an integral part of the transformation agenda going forward. In particular, smallholder farmers are efficient; more equitable; generate considerable local multipliers; and their operations are relatively gender sensitive. There are several policy measures that would ensure that smallholder farmers remain an integral part of Malawi’s transformation agenda. These policies include the following:

  • Stepping up policy measures which would include ensuring a stable macro-economic framework, provision of key public goods, viable financial, rural governance systems, and more.
  • Stepping out policy measures which would entail promotion of non-farm economy and migration to both urban and other rural areas.
  • Hanging in policy measures which would prioritise the following: technical advice, payment for environmental services; strengthening risk mitigation and social protection.

The two aforementioned APRA studies have revealed that smallholder farmers are let down by a lack of organisation amongst themselves; unintended consequences of implementation of policies such as subsidies (corruption, rent seeking, theft, etc.); dominant policy narratives at a particular point in time; and donor conditionalities (difficult to make a case for smallholder funding to donors). So, the proposed policies, such as the promotion of conservation agriculture and viable out-grower schemes, could help balance the needs of smallholder farmers in terms of food security, environmental sustainability and livelihoods.

Unmasking the socio-economic potential of rice in Burundi: Outcomes of the East Africa Rice Conference 2021

Written by: Alphonse Kimararungu and Evelyn Otieno

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. The final blog of our series on these national workshops reflects on Burundi’s event.


Investments in the rice sub-sector, the expansion of production, and empowering and incentivising youth and women involved in the value chain can improve livelihoods of the people in Burundi.

The Burundi national rice conference 2021, held on 18th May, discussed the potential of rice, a priority crop in the country alongside beans, bananas and potatoes. The conference convened experts, researchers, businessmen, the Ministry of Environment, Agriculture and Livestock, farmers, rice processors, regional agricultural research institutes, and private companies engaged in rice seed production, importation of agricultural machineries and agro-chemicals to support rice sector development in Burundi and across the East African region.

The conference was facilitated by Eng. MBARUSHIMANA Jean Claude, cabinet advisor and focal point for Burundi’s National Rice Development Strategy. In his introductory remarks, Jean Claude mentioned that the objectives of the conference were ‘to facilitate knowledge exchange on rice sector research and development at national and regional levels; take stock of public, private and donor-supported initiatives to inform policy-making and implementation; and to boost multi-stakeholder collaboration towards achieving national and regional rice self-sufficiency, increasing food and nutrition security, and alleviating poverty through inclusive and sustainable production and commercialisation.’ Dr Abdelbagi ISMAIL, Principal Scientist and International Rice Research Institute Africa Representative stressed the importance and timeliness of the conference in his pre-recorded opening speech.

Dr Abdelbagi Ismail, Principal Scientist and International Rice Research Institute Africa Representative gives his remarks at the conference

This was reiterated by Dr Yusuke HANEISHI, General Coordinator of the Coalition for African Rice Development Secretariat, who shared conference expectations and future engagements of the participating organisations in supporting rice sector development, at the national and regional levels.

Dr Yusuke Haneishi, General Coordinator of the Coalition for African Rice Development Secretariat gives conference expectations

Thematic presentations, discussions and suggested interventions

The conference discussed six key topics, rice research and development, inclusive markets, and value chains, rice-based livelihoods – gender and youth integration, integrated rice sector development in a changing climate, inclusive finance and investment, and agricultural policy reforms. Discussions of these topics yielded key outcomes and suggested interventions explained below.

Rice research and development

This was discussed across two key themes, ‘innovations in rice mechanisation and post-harvest’ and establishing regional centre of excellence for rice. The discussions revealed that smallholder farmers in Burundi have small pieces of land, lack funding, and therefore do not invest in rice mechanisation, and neither does the private sector which is not well developed.

To deal with these challenges, the conference suggested the use of small rice mechanisation​systems, land consolidation and sensitisation on entrepreneurship in rice mechanisation. The participants also suggested that the East African Governments should invest in Rice Centres of Excellence.

Inclusive markets and value chains

This was discussed across two main themes, ‘rice commercialisation and livelihood outcomes, and ‘the experience of rice processors in marketing and value addition’.

It emerged that Burundi’s rice sub-sector lacks well-developed regional and international commercial strategies to face global commercial requirements and low levels of post-harvest technologies continue to affect the quality of the milled rice.​ Development of commercial strategies for the rice value chain, strengthening the private sector​ and promotion of good practices in harvesting, threshing, drying, and winnowing would help the country to deal with these challenges.

Rice-based livelihoods – gender and youth integration

The conference discussed ‘gendered livelihood dynamics in rice-based food systems’ and explored ‘jobs, employment and entrepreneurship opportunities for the youth in the rice sub-sector.’ The discussions revealed that rice production is highly demanding for women and youth in terms of effort, time, and financial investment. Also, the youth do not have access to loans and lack business planning skills.

Among the suggested interventions were empowering and incentivising youth and women, creation of favourable financial institutions for youth and women and capacity building on entrepreneurship.

Integrated rice sector development in a changing climate

The conference discussed two key themes, ‘county experiences on integrated rice seed sector development’ and ‘enhancing sustainability and resilience in local and national rice system to cope with climate change.’

The discussions identified challenges, for instance, Burundi’s seed industry is not well developed ​and rice production is affected by calamities such as floods, drought, soil salinity and emerging diseases.

To cope with these challenges, the conference suggested sensitisation of private and public companies to invest in the seed sector. Other interventions include early warning system​s, development of tolerant rice varieties, watershed protection and use of irrigation facilities adapted to climate change.

Inclusive finance and investment

This topic featured two key themes, ‘improving access to credit and finance for small producers and processors’, and ‘rice sector financing and public-private partnerships.’

It emerged that small producers and processors lack access to bank loans, and investors are reluctant to finance the rice sub-sector. The conference suggested the development of new funding approach adapted to small producers and processors, increasing awareness and insurance companies ​to enhance funding and security of such funds to the sector.

Agricultural policy reforms

Discussion in this topic included ‘agriculture policy reforms and foresight’and ‘rice dietary changes, household food and nutrition security.’

Discussions revealed that funds are needed to implement rice policies ​and that there is increasing demand for rice due to urbanisation and high growing population rates. The conference suggested interventions such as sustainable rice intensification, and mobilisation of funds for the implementation​ of rice policies.

Conclusion

Burundi’s national conference which culminated in the regional rice conference was a useful forum for stakeholders to reflect on the status of the countries rice sub-sector, share lessons, and review the existing challenges and opportunities for the growth of the sub-sector.


For more information on the Burundi national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

APRA Working Paper 62: Agricultural Investment Corridors in Africa: Does Smallholder and Women’s Participation Count?

Written by: Rebecca Smalley, Emmanuel Sulle, Ngala Chome, Ana Duarte and Euclide Gonçalves

Agricultural development corridors and clusters are highly complex projects that have been driven in Africa by agribusiness and mining corporations, host governments, international donors and development finance institutions. There is interest in whether these projects can support inclusive agribusiness. Evidence shows that involvement of small-scale economic actors in such initiatives is often impeded by a failure to grant them participation or a voice. We therefore investigated if and how recent corridors and clusters in Africa have been able to achieve the meaningful engagement of small-scale economic actors, with a focus on smallholders, including pastoralists, and the women among them.

Why it is expensive to produce cocoa in Ghana, a former global leader? APRA Ghana share findings

Cocoa producers in Ghana incur high production costs, but obtain low yields and receive less income. This hampers the country’s cocoa commercialisation efforts, hence requiring adoption of high yielding varieties and innovative financing options and investments in labour and inputs.

These were the findings of a study carried out by APRA and the University of Ghana on agricultural commercialisation in Ghana’s cocoa sector. These findings were discussed in a dissemination workshop held on Wednesday July 28, 2021, in Ghana’s Suhum area. The workshop brought together players in the country’s cocoa sector, mainly cocoa producers, researchers, various agricultural and cocoa service providers, and the media. The workshop discussed the historical and existing challenges that face cocoa farmers in Ghana such as difficulty in accessing land, technology, government support and labour.

The study which interviewed 241 people in Suhum-Ayensuano and 276 people in Juaboso, sought to understand the long-term changes in cocoa production and the challenges faced by cocoa farmers to inform policy. The researchers give a historical account of cocoa commercialisation trends in Suhum, one of the oldest cocoa production areas in Ghana, and Juaboso, one of the most recent regions to adopt cocoa production. The research found that Ghana, a country which led global cocoa production until the 1970s has witnessed a change in production trends. Cocoa farming has moved from the country’s eastern to western forest areas, causing a decline in yields, and migration of labour to new forest areas where labour costs are higher for less work. ‘Cocoa thrives in forest conditions but becomes vulnerable to diseases and declining yields once these conditions change’, say the researchers, professors Kojo Amanor, Joseph Yaro and Joseph Teyo. This decline in yields is compounded by scarcity of new forests in Ghana which, at the peak of its cocoa production in the 1970s, witnessed competition as cocoa production and labour moved to Côte d’Ivoire where new forests could still be found. The ensuing scarcity of labour continues to increase the costs of labour in Ghana, and family labour is declining as young people continue to seek alternative livelihood options because they are unable to get a share of scarce family land.

As land prices in Ghana continue to increase due to land scarcity, most farmers have adopted the practice of sharecropping, an arrangement through which farmers acquire land from landowners, and then divide gains from the farms with the landlords. However, this is unsustainable as these farmers bear the costs of inputs such as fertilisers, agrochemicals, and other farm operations.

Participants listen to study findings in Suhum

In search of solutions to revive cocoa production in Ghana

Increasing incomes for Ghana’s cocoa farmers requires consideration of all the challenges faced by the country’s cocoa farmers. In addition to land and labour scarcity, low returns, and insufficient resources to buy the necessary inputs, the country’s cocoa sub-sector has struggled with diseases since the 1950s. Professor Amanor, a lead researcher in the study adds that, “in the cocoa sector, there has been a lot of development in technology, but the technology is not translating into significant increases in yield for a lot of farmers, or growth of wealth among cocoa farmers.”

To address these challenges, the researchers propose three potential policy options which are currently under development. First, they propose that farmers who cannot afford inputs be encouraged to stop cocoa production and switch to production of other crops and livelihoods, so cocoa farming is practiced only by those who can afford the required inputs. However, most smallholder farmers in Ghana prefer cocoa farming, citing that other crops do not necessarily provide better incomes. For these farmers, although they do not earn high income from cocoa farming, it enables them to get access to land, provides them a source of income, especially in old age, and provides them with property that their children can inherit. 

Secondly, the researchers propose that farmers should be provided with access to credit to enable them to afford inputs and pay for labour. However, this should be sustainable, and it should entail innovative measures to ensure that the loans are paid. Also, this approach does not address ways for the farmers to deal with high costs of inputs and low profit margins, a situation that will still strain the farmers. To deal with this, the government, through the Ghana Cocoa Board, offers subsidised inputs and services to cocoa farmers through mass spraying campaigns and fertiliser subsidies. However, this is proving to be expensive to the government in comparison to the income it receives from cocoa exports. Already, some did not access pruning and spraying services due to a shortage of state-supplied-fuel, and were required to pay for fuel to receive these services. Professor Amanor noted that, “the more farmers use inputs the more profits go to foreign companies and less to farmers.” This option seems to benefit mostly international input markets that continue to earn from the purchase of inputs which are highly used. Loans to farmers to buy highly priced inputs will not solve the farmers’ problem without a shift in cocoa prices, especially in export markets.

Thirdly, the study proposes the development of cocoa agroforests comprised of exotic, other forest trees and local fruit trees, such as Kola which was an important export crop in Ghana in the past. According to Professor Amanor, the resulting reforestation can reduce the vulnerability of cocoa to diseases and weeds, and consequently reduce the use of inputs, while providing other sources of income to farmers. In addition, the agroforests can “reduce disease, pests, weeds and enable cocoa to survive longer.” Amanor added that for this to succeed, the farmers would need to get rights to timber trees. Besides, there is need for the government to promote markets for forest products and fruits.   The three policy options that are proposed by the researchers and the workshop discussions are useful in tackling the challenges which Ghana’s cocoa farmers continue to face amidst the famers’ deep-seated desire for continued production of cocoa.

Upcoming webinar: Development corridors in Africa: whose voices count?

WEBINAR: Development corridors in Africa: whose voices count?

THURSDAY 12 AUGUST 2021 from 13:00 – 14:00 SAST/CAT

The Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies is hosting a webinar titled ‘Development corridors in Africa: whose voices count?’

The speakers include:

The webinar will be moderated by Professor Ruth Hall of PLAAS at the University of the Western Cape.

Rural Africa is changing, and governments and development agencies have made a concerted effort to channel changes within regions designated as ‘development corridors’. These come after years of under-investment and often take the form of public-private partnerships. But whose interests shape the creation of these corridors, and how are smallholder farmers involved? What are governments doing to entice investors, what is happening in these corridors, and are they leading to new dynamism in these rural economies? And what the outcomes for women’s empowerment, for rural poverty, for climate resilience, and food and nutrition security?

In 2014, African heads of state committed to eradicating hunger and rural poverty through a transformation of African agriculture – adopting a “growth pole” and “growth corridor” strategy. With financial and technical support from regional and multilateral organisations, they aimed to spur a shift from subsistence to commercial agriculture, attract agro-industrial investments into specific locations, and boost rural non-farm economies.

Corridors do, though, present serious risks for local communities and governments, where they takes the form of land deals, or where investments sideline local people and enterprises.

Eight initiatives were studied:

  • Lamu Port–South Sudan–Ethiopia Transport Corridor in Kenya
  • Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania
  • Nacala Corridor in Mozambique and Malawi
  • Beira Agricultural Growth Corridor in Mozambique and Zambia
  • Lagos–Kano–Jibiya Agricultural Growth Corridor in Nigeria
  • Bagré Growth Pole in Burkina Faso
  • Lobito Corridor from Angola to Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia
  • Walvis Bay–Ndola–Lubumbashi Development Corridor in Namibia, Zambia and Democratic Republic of Congo.

Despite claims that these corridors will support “inclusive” agribusiness, evidence from eight initiatives across Africa shows that smallholder farmers and other ordinary rural people typically have few opportunities to participate and shape such projects.

This webinar aims to explore ways in which agricultural corridors can be repositioned to ensure they meaningfully and beneficially engage small-scale economic actors, especially smallholders, pastoralists, and women.

The webinar will explore the following questions:

  • To what degree do these agricultural growth poles and corridors build inclusive local economies and smallholder-based value chains?
  • What needs to be done to strengthen accountability, participation and the voices of smallholders?
  • What are the preconditions for is the enabling environment to ensure responsible agricultural growth poles and corridors?
  • What are the outcomes – for women’s empowerment, rural poverty, resilience to climate impacts, and food security and nutrition security?

Tune in on Thursday 12 August 2021 at:

  • 13:00 South African Standard Time (SAST)/Central African Time (CAT)
  • 12:00 West African Time (WAT)
  • 11:00 Greenwich Meridian Time (GMT) (Ghana)
  • 14:00 East African Time (EAT) (Tanzania)

Watch the webinar here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m9DavjNzzSc

COVID-19 spreads to rural Zimbabwe


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland


The third COVID-19 wave has firmly arrived in Zimbabwe’s rural areas. This is no longer the ‘rich person’s disease’ of those based in town. The number of cases and sadly deaths has surged across our rural study areas in the last month. This is a picture reflected across the country and indeed the region, with large increases since our last report.

After being spared for so long, why are the rural areas only now being affected? This was the topic of the conversations in our research team this month. It is clear that the Delta variant is proving extremely dangerous. Having spread from a small isolated outbreak in Kwekwe just a few weeks ago and through imports from across the border in South Africa, it seems to be the dominant variant now. Highly infectious and easily transmissible, the fact that rural people don’t move much and work and live outside makes much less difference in the face of this variant it seems.

There have been deaths recorded in all our study sites in the past weeks, with others being buried in the area having died in South Africa or elsewhere in the region. Many others have contracted the disease and have been battling it at home while isolating. Some of the most vulnerable are the front-line workers who have frequent contact with people, while living in the rural areas. Nurses, health workers, agricultural extension workers, police and others have all be noted as people who have contracted COVID-19 in our sites in the last weeks, very often passing it on to others. Mr FC is a 68 year old health worker and farmer in Wondedzo. He contracted the disease and went to the COVID quarantine centre. However, he was quickly discharged due to pressure on beds:

“The doctor and nurses decided to send me home for self-isolation paving way for the ever in-coming COVID-19 victims. I was given different drugs by the nurses, but I supplemented these by taking herbal teas. My son used to bring lemons, garlic, onion and mutsviri herbal tea. I used to cut onion or garlic into pieces where I could place underneath my pillow. Crushed onion was used to massage my chest and nose. All my belongings at home were heavily disinfected and I was given my own room where I stayed alone. All the food was brought by my son. I was given light food like crushed potatoes, rice, porridge, beans and mincemeat as swallowing was not easy. In the end, on the 15th day, I felt better and there was then slow improvement until I returned to work, when I got the disease again as I am in contact with people. This time fortunately it was not so severe and we now know how to treat it.”

Vaccine demand and compulsion

The demand for vaccination has risen significantly too as a result of the surge in disease and concerns about severe illness and death. Queues have been forming at vaccination centres in all our study sites, but demand far exceeds supply, and the many return home disappointed. While nationally over 10% of the population have had one dose, there is much further to go even amongst the older, more vulnerable age groups.

Zimbabwe’s vaccine programme has been the envy of neighbouring countries, but it does remain heavily reliant on supplies from China (and to a lesser extent Russia and India). The J&J single dose vaccine is now (finally) approved locally, so maybe there will be an expansion of supply soon, but with China now experiencing new outbreaks some worry that politically-driven gifts of free vaccines to Zimbabwe will be less of a priority.

Despite claims that vaccination will always be voluntary there have been recent moves to make it compulsory among civil servants, with memos circulating across all departments requiring reporting of coverage. This has provoked quite a bit of debate, including within our team. Among those who have been hesitant about the vaccine, several commented that they will get it now as they need to keep the job. The old tension between public health and individual freedoms is once again being played out.

Limited state capacity: reliance on local innovations

This latest surge is both more severe and more widespread than before. The state, despite its best efforts, does not have the capacity to respond effectively. Health services are overwhelmed, funeral parlours are full, drugs are in short supply and vaccines insufficient. Whether via treatment or prevention, the response has to be centred on local people, their ingenuity and capacities. As we have mentioned in previous blogs, there has been a blossoming of innovation and entrepreneurship in response to the pandemic, particularly focusing on traditional remedies.

The now-famous Zumbani herbal tea is in huge demand, and those who collect it and process it are making good money. Diaspora Zimbabweans based in South Africa are sourcing it in large quantities as an effective remedy. Team members comment that they have abandoned Tanganda (black tea leaves) for herbal teas and remedies. A few months ago, they did not like them much, but now such teas are the preferred beverage several times a day. For those who get sick there is now a common health folklore about what the most effective treatments are.

This is shared through various routes. One of our informants swore by a video she had seen on WhatsApp from a Nigerian woman extolling the virtues of steaming and certain breathing exercises. Others listen to what neighbours have done and share locally. Even our research team, now known to be the contributors to these blogs – which are often shared further through social media and in local newspapers – are asked for advice. “We are the new doctors!”, one quipped. While there is much misinformation on social media spread through rumours among relatives, neighbours and church members alike, there is also lots of useful advice. Sifting through this competing knowledge claims and making choices in the face of disease is a critical part of living with COVID-19 today.

Alongside traditional herbs and remedies, lemon, ginger, garlic and onion are the most common ingredients for local remedies and are used as teas, chest/body presses, inhalation steaming and so on. Mrs MC contracted COVID recently and explained:

I had two regimes, which is Zumbani mixed with lemon as tea taken twice a day, morning and afternoon. I also had ginger and garlic tea, which I took at sun down and late at night. I also used to chew raw onion regularly as means of opening the nasal system. I had learnt of these traditional medicines via social media, friends and relatives, I also learnt of the use of crushed onion wrapped in a transparent cloth, which then could be pressed against my chest whenever I go to sleep. It is now a habit in my family to take the traditional medicines all the time”.

The demand for such products is massive. Mrs Kwangwa has a nursery in Masvingo in the compound of her husband’s National Railways of Zimbabwe house (see pictures). They started the project back in 2014 after she graduated from Masvingo Polytechnic with a certificate in agriculture. They have been growing vegetable seedlings, fruit trees, flowers and so on, with a wide market across the province and beyond. In COVID times they have shifted focus – and now the big crops are onions and lemon tree seedlings, with plans for expanding into garlic and ginger growing once they secure a bigger plot with more reliable water supplies. As we noted in earlier blogs, everyone is now a gardener, and Mrs Kwangwa commented that her customers have expanded. “COVID-19 has popularised agriculture – I now have doctors, engineers, teachers coming for seedlings as well as the normal farmers.” Everyone wants to buy products that can help them fight infections. It’s a profitable business and they bought a Nissan Sedan and a Mazda truck to transport water, leaf litter and seedlings, and they now employ three people.

If the world is going to live with COVID-19 (in its now many forms) forever, even with protections from vaccines and so on, then the sort of innovations and investments that Mrs Kwangwa has made will continue to be vital. Research on new agricultural products and wild product harvesting and processing will be needed to support a longer-term strategy for responding to a seasonal, hopefully less virulent coronavirus into the future.

Disease spreading events

While traditional remedies help fight infection and treat disease, other behaviours may reduce transmission. People are now used to the idea of keeping a distance, wearing a mask, not going to large gatherings and so on, but it’s difficult to do this in normal life. Transport for example is rare because of restrictions and so people must resort to informal, illegal means. Such mushikashika transport is always packed, often with few measures to reduce infection. Cross-border movement is essential for many people’s businesses, especially in those study sites near the borders such as Chikombedzi and Matobo, but people have to pay the bribes to cross illegally so their business can survive. Different people commented: “It’s better to die of corona than hunger”; or “I have to carry on, I cannot let my business collapse. What will I do to survive?”; or “We just have to learn to live with this virus, we don’t have any other safety net”.

In our sites, our team (now all expert field epidemiologists too…) identified a number of spreader events. For example, one malaicha – an informal transporter of goods – became infected and spread the disease widely as a result of contacts made through his business. Equally, particular shebeens (illegal drinking places) have become a focus for outbreaks, as people gather in packed rooms, as the official bars and restaurants remain closed. Although church gatherings are officially banned and most churches comply, some – such as the Apostolic churches – resist and hold their (often huge) gatherings at night. It being winter, people huddle together and so become infected.

Perhaps the most risky gatherings are funerals. With more people being buried – sometimes several a week in a village – funerals bring together people from across the country as relatives gather to pay condolences. Village neighbours come to pay their respects and commiserate with the family. Viewing the body happens in closed spaces, within huts while the family sits nearby. With it being winter, more happens inside in closed spaces with limited ventilation, and no one knows if wood smoke disrupts the virus or makes you more susceptible. Funerals are of course important moments in any society, and are especially so in rural Zimbabwe and for the older (more vulnerable) generation. Children in the diaspora have been beseeching their parents to avoid funerals in their villages, but with little effect. How can you not attend, at least for a short time? The traditions and rituals of passing are so significant that even a public health crisis cannot prevent them happening.

While official case numbers and deaths are thankfully declining in the last few days, this third wave has brought with it new challenges, especially in the rural areas where, for the first time, infection, severe disease and deaths are being seen on a much larger scale. There are many hypotheses as to why this is only happening now, but much must be to do with the Delta variant, which is effectively a new disease. The state is doing its best, but can only do so much. As before, rural Zimbabweans are left to cope on their own, with important innovations supporting the struggle against the disease, both for now in the midst of the pandemic and likely into the future, as this is clearly not going to go away completely.

APRA Working Paper 61: Rice Commercialisation, Agrarian Change and Livelihood Trajectories: Transformations on the Fogera Plain of Ethiopia

Written by: Dawit Alemu, John Thompson and Abebaw Assaye

Rice was considered a minor crop in Ethiopia, rarely consumed by many households in Sub-Saharan Africa. In recent decades, however, it has become the most rapidly growing staple food source in the country. This paper presents an historical analysis of rice commercialisation and the observed agrarian changes that have resulted from its introduction and spread in Ethiopia. The paper analyses the role of the state, private actors and development partners in promoting improvements in rice production and value chain upgrading, as well as examines the impacts of small-scale commercialisation on local livelihoods and rural economies.

Positioning Tanzania in the regional market for rice: Lessons from the East Africa Rice Conference

Written by: Aida Isinika & Gideon Boniface

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. In this blog, the fifth in our series on these national workshops, we reflect on the Tanzanian event.


Tanzania’s national EARC workshop, held at the Julius Nyerere International Conference Centre (JNICC) in Dar-es-Salaam from 18th – 20th May 2021, has been regarded as a great success by many of the participants. The feedback given by one attendee reflects the views of many, as she enthuses, “It was a great conference and very informative to me.” The meeting was attended by a diverse group of participants including representatives from the Ministry of Agriculture, in particular, those involved in coordinating the implementation of the second phase of the National Rice Development Strategy (NRDS II). Others included researchers, extension agents, farmers, traders, processors, facilitating non-governmental organisations, representatives from financial institutions and media.

In his opening remarks, Professor Siza Tumbo, the Deputy Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Agriculture, was represented by Engineer Geofrey Maregesi from the Ministry of Agriculture. In his speech, the Deputy Permanent Secretary highlighted opportunities and challenges facing the rice sub-sector in Tanzania. He then pointed out the focus of NRDS II as; “To sustain national self-sufficiency in rice production while contributing to the regional self-sufficiency such that Tanzania becomes a market leader in the region.” He further discussed the national strategic objectives and the priority areas of intervention, which include; improving the rice value chain’s climate resilience, strengthening extension services, improving and enhancing regional market competitiveness in terms of policy and quality, and promoting appropriate seed varieties. The presentations and the panel discussions, which followed enabled the participants to discuss pertinent issues that limit the potential of the rice sector in Tanzania. Their deliberations led to recommendations to direct transformation of the rice sector and improve Tanzania’s ability to respond to market demands in the local and regional market. The key lessons and recommendations emanating from the discussions are outlined under the conference’s key themes as summarised below.

Agricultural policy reforms

Participants urged the government to expedite implementation of the governmental plan under the Tanzania Official Seed Certification Institution, to increase staff for quality declared seed (QDS) down to the district level in order to address the huge supply gap for improved paddy seed. It was also recommended that cooperatives and farmers’ groups be strengthened to foster collective action. Through such groups and cooperatives, participants predicted that it will be much easier to enhance productivity improvement and hence accelerate rice commercialisation, which had been demonstrated to have a significant livelihood improving effect.

Rice research and development

The participantsurged the Ministry of Agriculture to expedite plans already underway to conduct baseline data collection of post-harvest loss for various crops including rice, so that appropriate steps are taken to minimise such losses. It was also recommended that there should be tax incentives to facilitate the importation of suitable and competitive rice mills as a strategy to improve the competitiveness of rice from Tanzania rice in regional markets. This recommendation came to address the challenge currently facing many rice traders on how to address the problem of dust after polishing the rice. The actors were also urged to refrain from engaging in practices that compromise the quality of milled rice. Value chain leaders (traders, processor, exporters and government regulators) were urged to ensure that such practices are stopped before they become institutionalised as normal.

Inclusive markets and value chains

The stakeholders recommended a seed improvement programme and the promotion of sustainable rice intensification (SRI) technologies to enhance sustainable rice-based livelihoods while ensuring gender and youth integration. There was a consensus among participants that seed improvement was fundamental to attain higher productivity. It was, however, urged that seed breeding programmes should be strengthened such that in the near future, seed should be produced. There was a strong feeling that even though the local market has a higher preference for aromatic rice, the SARO5 variety, which is semi-aromatic, should be promoted for trade in local and export markets. However, caution was sounded to ensure that alternative varieties are always at hand to minimise risks, in case SARO5 becomes infected by diseases or faces other problems. Paddy breeding programmes and the seed sub-sectors were also asked to produce area specific varieties in response to producers’ preferences, which reflects consumer demand. This includes strengthening the current government initiatives to work with stakeholders in promoting the use of QDS. It was also recommended that breeders should collect, clean and preserve genetic characteristics of traditional varieties for future breeding programmes.

Since SRI technologies are best practiced under irrigation, supporting inclusive livelihoods therefore also entails increasing the area under irrigation up to the target set under NRDS II (to have 2.2 million hectares by 2030). Such ambitions will also require reliable and affordable financing. Under inclusive finance and investment therefore, it was reported that there is a guarantee scheme under the Tanzania Agricultural Development Bank, whose experience and success is expected to influence other financial institutions to increase lending to smallholders.

Integrated rice sector development in a changing climate

In this regard, conference participants recommended the promotion of the use of QDS for rice, adapted and suitable for different areas, scaling up SRI and expanding the area under irrigation beyond 2.2 million hectares by 2030 as per NRDS II. The Rice Council of Tanzania, which was represented at the EARC took the issue of promoting QDS to heart, making it the main agenda in their second annual workshop, conducted on 6th – 7th June 2021.


For more information on the Tanzania national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

Journal Article: Agricultural Commercialisation and Changing Labour Regimes in Zimbabwe

Written by: Toendepi Shonhe, Ian Scoones and Felix Murimbarimba

This paper explores the emerging labour regimes and the consequences for agricultural commercialisation across multiple land-use types in post land reform Zimbabwe. The livelihoods of farmworkers, including those still resident in former labour compounds, are explored. The paper examines patterns of employment, land access, crop farming, asset ownership and off-farm activities, highlighting the diversification of livelihoods. The old pattern of wage-employed, permanent farmworkers is increasingly rare, as autonomous, flexible combinations of wage work, farming and a range of entrepreneurial and informal activities emerge. The paper thus engages with the wider debate about the changing nature of ‘work’ and ‘employment’, alongside discussions about the class implications of ‘working people’ and ‘fractured classes of labour’ in transforming agrarian economies. Without a captive, resident workforce, commercial agriculture must mobilise labour in new ways, as the farm work and workers have been refashioned in the new agrarian setting.

Environmental impacts of commercial rice production in Kilombero Valley, Tanzania

Written by: Ntengua Mdoe, Aida Isinika, Gilead Mlay, Gideon Boniface, Christopher Magomba, John Jeckoniah and Devotha Mosha

In Kilombero Valley, Tanzania, rice is increasingly becoming a commercial crop. However, although research findings show that commercial rice production is beneficial, it is also associated with increasing use of modern implements, such as tractors, and use of agrochemicals, such as herbicides. This blog, based on APRA Working Papers 30 and 37, highlights the potential environmental impacts of rice commercialisation in the region, and recommends actions that could be taken to mitigate these impacts.


The goal of the second phase of Tanzania’s National Rice Development Strategy is to sustain national self-sufficiency in rice production, contribute to the regional self-sufficiency and become a market leader in the region.  Interventions to achieve this goal include, doubling land area under rice cultivation and productivity from 1.1 million ha and 2t per ha in 2018 to 2.2 million ha and 4t per ha in 2030, respectively. However, these interventions could have negative environmental impacts if not well planned.

The following conclusions are based on the findings of a study funded by the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA). The study involved two waves of data collected in 2016/17 and 2018/19 farming seasons.

Benefits of commercial rice production

In general, rice commercialisation in Kilombero is beneficial, despite differences in the magnitude of those benefits among farmers of different soci-economic categories. For example, male farmers benefit more than female farmers such as in terms of improvement in food security and decline in poverty level as rice commercialisation increases (measured in terms of the Rice Commercialisation Index: Figures 1 and 2, respectively).

Use of modern farm implements and environmental consequences

Expansion of farms for rice production using modern farm implements, such as tractors and ox-ploughs, is a major factor in the increasing prevalence of soil degradation and soil erosion, leading to reduced soil fertility and siltation in rivers. Reduction in soil fertility decreases rice production, while siltation in rivers reduces availability of irrigation water for rice production downstream and water flowing to the newly constructed Julius Nyerere Hydropower Dam.

Environmental impacts of agrochemical use

The use of agrochemicals, such as inorganic fertilisers and herbicides, can cause environmental pollution and health risks if not cautious. Herbicides are increasingly being used in Kilombero for weed control in rice production, due to the high opportunity cost of labour during rice weeding. These herbicides can destroy soil microbial diversity and microbial biomass, and eventually lead to the disturbance in soil ecosystem and loss of soil fertility. Besides destroying microbial diversity, pesticides can also move from rice farms to various water reservoirs by runoff or in drainage induced by rain or irrigation.

Conclusions and recommendations

The use of modern farm implements and agrochemicals in rice production has positive effects on rice commercialisation and food security, as well as enhancing poverty reduction.  However, their use has serious environment effects if not undertaken with care and consideration. Household food security and poverty reduction efforts can only be sustained if rice production practices are not destroying the environment.

Actions to be taken to reduce environmental destruction resulting from the use of modern farm implements and agrochemicals may include:

  • Enacting and enforcing Local Government Authority bylaws to control the expansion of rice farms to areas that will lead to wetland degradation and siltation
  • Creating awareness on judicious use of agrochemicals by government agricultural extension workers
  • Monitoring use and consequences of agrochemical
  • Training on safe and judicious use of herbicides by government extension staff

ALRE Working Paper 1: From Field Research to Policy Change – Lessons from FAC and APRA

Written by: Martin Whiteside

The Institute of Development Studies has led consortia of UK and African organisations in two large programmes of agricultural policy research: the original Future Agricultures Consortium programme, running from 2005 to 2014, and the successive Agricultural Policy Research in Africa programme, from 2016 to 2022. These programmes involved African field research teams, linked to African Universities, and conducting policy-relevant research into key issues relative to the future of agriculture in Africa and inclusive agricultural commercialisation (APRA). A component of both programmes was to use the evidence collected to influence the policy environment in favour of productive, sustainable, and inclusive agriculture. This paper explores what has been learnt in these two programmes about using field research evidence to improve agricultural policy.

Land reform in England?

Illustration by Nick Hayes for Landscapes of Freedom

This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland


Access to land is not only a concern in places like Zimbabwe. In England, less than 1% of the population own half the land and 92% of land is out of bounds for ordinary people. The skewed nature of land ownership and access is what Guy Shrubsole, author of the excellent book Who owns England?’ calls England’s best kept secret. Lack of transparency over who owns what is compounded by a land registry that is impossible to navigate. Detailed research reveals that much of England is owned by a mix of rich families, large corporations, the military, the church, the crown and local governments. This huge enclosure is excluding the majority and preventing the emergence of more sustainable, inclusive ways of using the land. Sound familiar?

This is why a land reform movement is again stirring in England. This last weekend I joined a ‘mass trespass’ near Brighton, organised under the banner ‘landscapes of freedom’. Light drizzle turned to sunshine and 300 odd people set off to the Downs as part of a movement for ‘free walking’ challenging the enclosure of land, a tradition that the ramblers’ associations pioneered long ago. In this case it was not even private property, but council land rented out to tenant farmers, but removed from use by Brighton city residents just a kilometre or two from the city.

As the brilliant local ecologist, historian and campaigner, Dave Bangs explained at the trespass event, the South Downs in southern England are a valuable habitat, a site of important biodiversity of chalk grassland species, which are maintained by grazing especially by sheep. The Downs are situated in a densely populated area with huge demands for recreational use. In part protected by ‘national park’ status, the valuable habitats are under threat.

Since the Neolithic times, land in the South Downs has shifted between grazing and arable farming and settlement pendulum like as economic fortunes change and property rights shift. The loss of unimproved grazing since the removal of sheep grazing and shepherds through the great enclosures of the seventeenth and eighteenth century has been dramatic. An agricultural depression in the nineteenth century made matters worse and since the end of the Second World War the intensification of farming, fuelled by subsidies, has meant that patches of downland have declined further. Where slopes cannot be farmed, valuable habitats remain, but these are only maintained if farmers still grazing, otherwise scrub encroaches and the areas are lost.

A major review of the council’s Downland estate is underway, with all sorts of views as to what should be done. But access for people is an important demand and the ‘trespass’ was a demonstration of the importance of the countryside, even for a largely urban population. The COVID-19 lockdowns have only made this more vital. Unlike the large estates, owned by a single family or corporation, the over 10,000 acres of downland near Brighton are owned by the Council, as are many areas across England, yet are rented out to farmers on tenancies. Over years, the ploughing up of downland or the use of inappropriate crops and chemicals has continued unabated.

As a lived landscape, farming must always be part of these areas, but what sort of farming, by whom? Can sheep return and downland habitats be restored? Can tenancies involve more smallholding to supply high value products for the city? Can rights to roam be required for open grazing areas to reverse the tide of enclosure? Will access become more inclusive – can the countryside be for everyone (as Kelly Smith of Black Girls Hike explained at the trespass, land access is of course both a race and class issue)? Will new measures under the UK’s regressive Police Bill further limit the ability of Romany people and other nomads and travellers to make use of the countryside, criminalising their ways of life? These are the rural development questions being debated in southern England, but are relevant to so many places, where skewed land distribution, unequal access to land, limits on mobile livelihoods and a long history of agricultural policy that does not encompass issues of sustainability and multiple use dominate.

The mass trespass in Brighton was all very genteel. This was no jambanja’ land occupation, where economic marginalisation and desperation for new land-based livelihoods drove invasions and occupations of private property in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s. There were no ‘base commanders’ or ‘seven member committees’ or stand-offs and violent encounters with farm owners. In Brighton, the tenant farmers came more to watch what was going on rather than to confront, and the police kept their distance. And, after some short speeches, a few poems and a song or two, we all returned to our comfortable, middle-class, urban homes.

Yet despite the peculiar Englishness of it all, the demands for land reform are growing. The excellent investigative work by Guy Shrubsole; the important Labour Party commission on land led by George Monbiot – Land for the Many; the long-running and brilliant magazine, The Land; and even a bestselling book – ‘The Book of Trespass – beautifully written and illustrated by Nick Hayes, all point to a shift in perspective on land in England.

The secret has been exposed, people have rediscovered the value of the countryside during the pandemic and the debate has become even more pressing as further restrictive measures are proposed for those who most rely on mobility and access in the countryside. Land rights are an English issue too.

More on UK land issues on this blog can be found in the links below:

Why radical land reform is needed in the UK  

Scottish land reform: echoes of Zimbabwe?

Responses of Rice Farmers Engaged in Vegetable Production: Implications of the Collapse of Vegetable Prices in the Fogera Plain

Written by: Dawit Alemu and Tirhas Kinfe

Since the early 1980s, the Fogera Plain has been one of Ethiopia’s major rice production areas. The introduction of rice, its commercialisation and the subsequent increased surplus production has led to the ability of smallholder rice farmers to intensify their production through diverse investments, mainly in supplementary irrigation. This has also enabled rice farmers to diversify crop production, mainly during the off-season, through the production of high-value crops like vegetables. Despite this expansion, a recent visit to the Fogera Plain by the authors revealed that most smallholder rice farmers were not able to sell their onions due to the collapse of local markets. To investigate this collapse further, this paper follows the authors’ investigation of farmer investments in producing onion, their responses to the collapse of the onion market, and the implications for rural livelihood improvement within the Fogera Plain.

Journal Article: The politics of mechanisation in Zimbabwe: tractors, accumulation and agrarian change

Written by: Toendepi Shonhe

This article explores whether mechanisation affects patterns of accumulation and differentiation in Zimbabwe’s post land reform where policy consistently disadvantages smallholders. Is the latest mechanisation wave any different? The article considers dynamics of tractor access and accumulation trajectories across and within land use types in Mvurwi area. Larger, richer and well-connected farmers draw on patronage networks to access tractors and accumulate further. Some small to medium-scale farmers generate surpluses and invest in tractors or pay for services. Thus, accumulation from above and below feeds social differentiation. Tractor access remains constrained yet mechanisation is only part of the wider post-2000 story.

The political economy of the maize value chain in Nigeria

Written by: Paul Amaza, Sunday Mailumo and Asenath Silong

This blog explores the findings of APRA Working Paper 60, investigating the political economy of the maize value chain in Nigeria. This study focused on how the political economy dynamics can contribute to understanding the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation in the country, and the government’s role in enhancing this process.


The political economy of public sector reform in Nigeria

For over a decade, it was thought that encouraging food imports would address the nation’s food shortage problem. However, it has since become obvious that such policies actually fuelled inflation, discouraged local production, created poverty among many farm households, and contributed to food insecurity. Thus, alternative policy actions are required.

There are three ways governments in Nigeria typically intervene in the maize sector to achieve political and developmental objectives. The first is through output market interventions, which include using marketing boards to support high farm gate prices for smallholder farmers and to lower consumer prices through subsidised sales of government stocks, as was the case in 1977. The second is through input subsidy support, mainly for maize seed and fertiliser, as was the case in 1975 when fertiliser procurement and distribution was centralised. Finally, the Nigerian government regularly uses trade policy levers, including tariffs, export bans, licenses, and quotas, to regulate maize supplies and prices, as seen in Nigeria’s border closure and policy ban on maize imports in 2019 and the removal of the ban in 2020.

Agricultural policies in Nigeria

Sector-specific agricultural policies have been largely designed to facilitate agricultural marketing, reduce agricultural production costs, and enhance agricultural product prices as incentives for increased agricultural production. The major policy instruments affecting maize in Nigeria are outlined below:

  1. Agricultural Commodity Marketing and Pricing Policy
  2. Input supply and distribution policies
  3. Agricultural input subsidy policies
  4. Agricultural Mechanization Policy
  5. Water Resources and Irrigation Policy
  6. Agricultural Transformation Agenda (ATA)
  7. The Agriculture Promotion Policy
  8. The Presidential Fertiliser Initiative

The drivers of the maize value chain in Nigeria (2010–2019)

Public sector driven land acquisition and productivity growth

The process of land acquisition has implications for maize production, whereby smallholder farmers can only access family land and rented or leased land to grow maize. Thus, this tends to limit the land area under cultivation. Smallholder farmers therefore have limited or no security of tenure, which limits their ability to access capital and invest in farmland. To ameliorate this, Agricultural Transformation Agenda – a project of the federal government was born in 2011. Three initiatives under the ATA had a far-reaching impact on the maize value chain (MVC):

  1. Price support and input subsidy measures: established by the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Bankers’ Committee, Nigerian Incentive-based Risk-Sharing System for Agricultural Lending (NIRSAL) encouraged lending in the agricultural sector by guaranteeing that up to 75 per cent of loans are allocated to agricultural value chains, including maize. NIRSAL insures about 50 and 75 per cent of losses incurred by large and small to medium scale farmers.
  2. The Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme was designed to lend at 9 per cent interest rates to entities involved in cash and food crop value chains, including maize, poultry, livestock, and aquaculture. A sum of ₦200 billion (roughly US$1.3 billion) has been allocated for the scheme, which has been extended to September 2025. The principal beneficiaries of this scheme are large scale businesses, who often double as political elites.
  3. Doubling maize production: the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture and other research institutions in the African crop space focus on developing and introducing improved varieties to local value chains through biotechnology and genetic breeding. For instance, the improved maize varieties have a yielding potential of 5t/ha compared to the 1t/ha yield potential of the local varieties commonly used.

Private sector led input delivery and farm advisory services

The private sector in Nigeria has the potential to supply agricultural inputs in a cost effective manner. There are several private companies who have entered the fertiliser and seed business during the last few years. The agricultural or farm supply companies in various states are also involved in the distribution of inputs. The privatisation of these companies offers additional potential for developing private sector-based distribution channels in rural areas.  Large-scale commodity importers may become potential traders in bulk imports. Hitherto, due to the public sector monopoly in the past, all these privately-owned organisations did not have an opportunity to develop the necessary skills needed for efficient marketing and market development. Maize farmers in Nigeria are also gaining access to inputs and advisory services through cooperative membership.

High local demand

The production of maize has increased due to high local demand – particularly from the feed industry due to the growth of the poultry sector, which relies on maize as the primary feed ingredient. Those engaged in poultry farming include both small and large poultry producers. The large poultry producers are often well-connected politically and, in some cases, they also own livestock feed businesses. Hence, they tend to have political influence in dictating developments in the MVC to their advantage, by influencing maize import policies.

Integrating women and youth in the MVC

Maize’s production and sale is dominated by men. In some instances, especially among spouses, men take over control of women’s maize crop as it is commercialised. Hence, women are unable to increase their production of maize as a result of the many challenges related to non-ownership of land, lack of credit and inability to penetrate market cartels. This limits the quantity of maize available in markets in Nigeria.

Conclusion

The political dimension of the MVC revolves around input supply, especially fertiliser; trading in maize, especially importations; and sales to processing industries; social differentiation by gender and farm size (commercial large-scale famers versus smallholder farmers). These dimensions tend to have implications for other stakeholders in the value chain, especially smallholder producers, wholesalers and retailers engaged in domestic trade and importers. Therefore, it is recommended the government provide a conducive environment for the private sector to play its role in the procurement and distribution of agricultural inputs, while the government maintains its position in quality control and the enforcement of policy implementation. This will enhance the commercialisation of the MVC in Nigeria.


Photos courtesy of Mr. Reuben Solomon, IITA Kano Station, Nigeria

Rice set to improve Uganda’s food and nutrition security

Written by: Mr. Paul Lubega, Japan International Cooperation Agency, Uganda

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. The fourth blog of our series on these national workshops shifts our perspective to Uganda.


A strong, inclusive, innovative national rice sector can boost Uganda’s food and income security.

In an effort to make this a reality, the National Agriculture Research Organization (NARO), non-governmental organisations, Development Cooperation Projects working on rice, experts, researchers, businessmen and senior government officials from Uganda’s different government ministries, convened at a national rice conference in Uganda. The government officials were drawn from Uganda’s Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF), Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, and the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development. Other participants were drawn from Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, Rice Association of Uganda and private companies engaged in rice production, processing and exporting.

The conference, held on 18th May 2021, discussed six key topics important to the development of the country’s rice sector: rice research and development, inclusive markets and value chains, rice-based livelihoods and gender and youth integration, integrated rice sector development in a changing climate, inclusive finance and investment, and agricultural policy reforms.

The conference provided a foundation for partnerships, linkages and growth of the rice sector in Uganda where it is a priority crop. “Rice is important for food and income security not only in Uganda but in the entire East African region,” emphasised Ronald Ssegawa Gyagenda, undersecretary, MAAIF who spoke on behalf of the Permanent Secretary Mr. Pius Wakabi Kasajja.

Outcomes of thematic discussions

The conference participants discussed priority themes, such as innovations in rice mechanisation and post-harvest management, the need for a regional centre of excellence for rice research and development, and rice commercialisation and livelihood outcomes. The participants also reviewed gender livelihood dynamics in rice-based food systems, jobs and employment opportunities, integrated rice seed sector development, marketing and value addition. Other important themes were sustainability and resilience in local and national rice systems, improving access to credit and finance for small producers and processors, rice sector financing and public-private partnerships, agriculture policy reforms and foresight, and dietary changes and household food and nutrition security.

Proposed interventions

Following the discussions, participants within the various themes suggested interventions that could deal with the challenges which affect rice production in Uganda. For instance, development and promotion of partnerships, scale-out and regulation of technologies already developed by NARO would ensure quality, efficiency, productivity and profitability of agro-engineering technologies.

Further, optimising research funding, promotion of digital innovations, strengthening capacity building and cross-border collaboration along the rice value chain will ensure that Uganda continues to be an inter-regional destination for training. Improved collection and dissemination of information, establishment of a national rice platform, and building the capacity of the rice associations to effectively engage the government to review rice policies would lead to harmonised favourable rice policies. This would increase domestic production, which has been falling over the past 5 years, reduce imports and increase prices of paddy rice which, like production, has been falling.

Promotion of labour-saving technologies to increase youth and women participation in decision-making at household and policy level, strengthening marketing capacity of producer associations and cooperatives would eliminate gender disparities in incomes between men and women. It would also improve food and nutrition security and change gender roles in which women dominate production, which is more labour-intensive, while men dominate marketing.

Harmonising government and partner approaches to increase youth employment and support for youth capacity building programmes would reduce poverty among 61 per cent of Uganda’s youth, who are employed in the agriculture sector.

Support for large-scale rice producers in the production of Quality Declared Seed, review of regulations and roll-out of a digital seed tracking system would increase the quantities of foundation seed for most rice varieties.

The conference also proposed the promotion of sustainable rice farming systems to harmonise rice development initiatives with climate sustainability best practices. Further, incorporation of the needs of rice value chain actors would build the capacity of smallholder farmers to access agricultural financing.

In addition, reviewing and strengthening the National Rice Development Strategy and fast-tracking the conclusion of the National Agricultural Finance and Insurance policy would streamline and harmonise ongoing government and partner investments in the rice sector. In the same vein, promotion of innovative nutrition, integration of protein-rich foods and enhancing technologies like bio-fortification would be important for diversification of rice diets.

Conclusion

The outcomes of the conference will promote further knowledge exchange on rice sector research and development at national and regional levels considering public, private and donor-supported initiatives to inform policymaking and implementation in the rice sector. The multi-stakeholder collaboration arising from the conference will be useful for the achievement of national and regional rice self-sufficiency, increased food and nutrition security, and alleviation of poverty in the country.


For more information on the Uganda national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

Journal Article: Tractors, States, Markets and Agrarian Change in Africa

Written by: Lídia Cabral and Kojo Amanor

Mechanisation has made a comeback to agricultural policy in Africa, encouraging scholars to revisit seminal literature on induced innovation. Recent studies emphasise the role for markets in addressing Africa’s mechanisation gaps and warn about past government failures to be avoided. The trust in the ability of markets to offer optimal solutions is debatable. Markets are shaped, as states are, by the interests of their most powerful players. A history-informed analysis of mechanisation and agrarian change in Africa sheds light onto how states and markets are co-constituted. The much-hyped rise in demand of tractors by medium-scale farmers can be linked back to earlier government intervention. And today’s public-private partnerships for mechanisation services illustrate how private interests shape public policy. Top-down tractor programmes continue to largely bypass smallholder farmers, though some are able to benefit. Though tractors are only one element of a complex story of agrarian change in Africa, they illustrate the enduring process of commodification of land, farming and agrarian relations that benefits the few and subjugates the many.

Research to Policy Influencing – Lessons from APRA on Efficiency, Effectiveness and Sustainability

Written by, Martin Whiteside

This paper presents some of the learning on efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainability generated by an accompanied learning process; which supported the latter part of a six-year research programme on agricultural commercialisation covering nine African countries and involving multiple research and policy influencing teams.

APRA Working Paper 60: The Political Economy of the Maize Value Chain in Nigeria

Written by, Paul Amaza, Sunday Mailumo, Asenath Silong

The aim of this case study is to understand the underlying political economy dynamics of the maize value chain in Nigeria, with a focus on how this can contribute to comprehending the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation. The study is informed by theories of political settlements, rents, and policy processes. It asks questions around (1) the key actors and interests: who participates and how do they benefit? (2) Rules and policies: who makes the rules, and who wins and loses? And (3), what are the implications across different social groups?

Covid-19 and food security: What is the way forward?

Written by: John Thompson, originally published for the Institute of Development Studies

Covid-19 is having a major impact on livelihoods and food security across the globe, with women and those who work in informal economies often the hardest hit. This is the focus of our latest Research for Policy and Practice Report on ‘The impact of Covid-19 on livelihoods and food security’ and upcoming UN Food Systems Summit independent dialogue.

The dialogue event on ‘Building resilient and sustainable food systems: How can emerging lessons from communities affected by Covid-19 shape the way forward?’ and report are part of the CORE rapid research initiative, which seeks to understand the socio-economic impacts of the pandemic, improve existing responses, and generate better policy options for recovery.

Household-level food and livelihood insecurity

Studies of livelihoods and food systems since the start of the global pandemic in 2020 have shown a consistent pattern: the primary risks to food and livelihood security are at the household level. Covid-19 is having a major impact on households’ production and access to quality, nutritious food, due to losses of income, combined with increasing food prices, and restrictions to movements of people, inputs and products.

The studies included in the Research for Policy and Practice Report span several continents and are coordinated by leading research organisations with a detailed understanding of local food system dynamics and associated equity and livelihood issues in their regions:

Together, these studies show how the hardest hit in both rural and urban areas are frequently women and those working in informal economies. They also draw out key lessons and priority actions that need to be taken to respond to food and livelihood security challenges in a way that addresses informality and gender dynamics, for food systems to become equitable and resilient:

  • To mitigate Covid-19’s impacts on livelihoods and food systems, countries must meet the immediate food and income security needs of their vulnerable rural and urban populations, keep agricultural markets open and trade flowing, and support smallholder farmers and small and medium enterprises to continue to operate.
  • Adaptive social protection measures can build the resilience of both rural and urban households to the impacts of large natural and human-driven shocks, such as pandemics, but structural inequalities must be addressed to ensure these reach the poorest and most vulnerable populations.
  • Particular attention must be paid to women and young people, who are more likely to work in the informal sector, have lower incomes and often play a central role in household reproduction and the care economy.
  • Covid-19 provides an opportunity to rethink policies for ensuring food and nutrition security and economic recovery that are aligned with the commitment of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to ‘leave no one behind’.

Opportunity for reform

The concept of ‘building back better’ has already become a well-worn cliché since the start of the pandemic, but these studies show that it is possible to view this crisis as an opportunity for fundamental reform and for creating more just and sustainable food futures.

Key messages from this report will inform the independent dialogue on 9 July. This invite-only event, organised by the IDS-led IDRC CORE KT programme, in collaboration with International Development Research Centre and Australian Centre for Agricultural International Research, will focus on drawing out the lessons and priority actions that need to be taken to respond to food security challenges in a way that addresses informality and gender dynamics, for food systems to become resilient, equitable and sustainable into the next decade.

The dialogue will bring together a range of stakeholders and perspectives on the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on food systems and livelihoods, focusing on the evidence and experience generated from the most affected communities in low-income countries to generate ideas for action. It will provide opportunities for researchers and policy actors to talk about some of the key issues arising and produce some recommendations for policymakers attending the UN Food Systems Summit in September.

Working Paper 59: The Influence of Sunflower Commercialisation and Diversity on Women’s Empowerment: The Case of Iramba and Mkalama Districts, Singida Region

Written by, Devotha B. Mosha, John Jeckoniah, Aida Isinika and Gideon Boniface

There is a growing body of literature that argues that normally women derive little benefit from cash crops. Some of the barriers leading to women having less benefit from cash crop value chains include cultural norms and power differences in access to, and control over, resources among actors in value chains. It is also argued that women’s participation in different forms of collective action help women to increase benefits to them through their increased agency, hence enabling them to utilise existing and diverse options for their empowerment. This paper explores how women have benefited from their engagement in sunflower commercialisation and how culture has influenced changes in access to, and control over, resources, including land, for their empowerment.

Journal Article: Insights into Smallholder Capacity for Agricultural Commercialisation: Evidence from Four African Contexts

Written by: Amrita Saha, Rachel Sabates-Wheeler and John Thompson

Over the last 15 years, the agricultural economics and development literature has amply highlighted success stories of smallholder farmers in developing countries, illustrating their increased engagement and integration with markets, in other words, higher rates of commercialisation. Yet, this seeming ‘success’ should not detract from the large proportion of farmers who, through engaging in high-value market chains, face high risks that often limit the extent of their engagement. This study, across four African contexts in Ghana, Tanzania, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, strives to better understand smallholder participation in agricultural commercialisation. Using new detailed cross-sectional household-level data, from the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA) consortium, collected over 2017–2018, we analyse assets as a determining factor for localised patterns smallholder commercialisation. Applying asset-based thresholds, we capture commercialisation ‘capacity’—an indicator of the household’s commercialisation potential and ability to respond to risks. Despite the possibility to increase commercialisation as well as institutional arrangements that may reduce risk, such as contract farming, benefits from linkages with medium-scale farmers or returns from specific crop types, we find that households may yet be constrained by lower capacity. Hence, the need for targeted support for those at the margins and with limited assets; with the most pronounced and significant constraints for lower capacity households in study areas in Tanzania. These results can better inform development policies for agriculture where it is important to be able to specifically target households rather than a one size fits all approach.

Zimbabwe faces a COVID-19 surge: what is happening in the rural areas?

Vaccination drive at Hippo Valley sugar estate


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland

The increase in COVID-19 cases in Zimbabwe has been significant in the weeks since our last blog. This has been matched by an increase in recorded deaths. The government has responded with a new ‘level 4’ lockdown, imposing a curfew, restricting business hours, limiting inter-city transport, requiring movement exemption permits, closing schools and educational institutions and banning all gatherings, except funerals where numbers are again restricted.

The national level data show an increasingly dangerous situation, but why now and how has it affected the rural areas? As we have reported in the past, the incidence has been extremely low in most of our study sites, but this has changed somewhat recently, although few deaths have been recorded. Why this change?

Why is there a surge now, including in the rural areas?

Informants across our study sites point to a number of factors.

  • First it is winter and this is the cold and flu season when respiratory infections spread as people are more frequently inside and interacting in close proximity.
  • Second, it has been marketing season when people have been travelling about, gathering at market places, interacting with itinerant buyers and going to auction floors in the tobacco areas. Indeed, it has been in the tobacco areas that the greatest spikes in infections have been noted, and people have speculated that buyers travelling from hotspots – such as Karoi – have brought new infections into areas.
  • Third, it has been the relaxation in measures, including the day-to-day practices of hygiene that have occurred. Certainly over the last months people had gone back to a (nearly) normal life, and abandoned wearing masks and had attended large gatherings of weddings, funerals and church services. These are now banned, but some churches are dismissive of the regulations and argue that the power of prayer in large gatherings should be recognised as a way of combating the disease, and many are still continuing.
  • Fourth, early foci for infections have been educational institutions, including Bondolfi mission, Morgenster and Great Zimbabwe University. Here students and staff have been infected and later isolated, but in places where there is residential accommodation such as teachers’ colleges and boarding schools, the virus can spread, and those moving to such establishments – as day pupils, as service providers or sometimes as church goers  – can in turn spread the infection to their communities.
  • Fifth, the ease of movement from South Africa through illegal crossings improves in the dry season as the Limpopo has little water and the danger from crocodiles and hippos recedes. This is the period for mass movements, as people go and shop in South Africa and bring back goods. At the Chakwalakwala crossing people move daily in their thousands, even with cars and trucks crossing the sandy river bed. This has a focus for significant importation of disease, as South Africa’s surge is in full swing, increasing earlier than Zimbabwe’s.
  • Sixth, the increase in dry season trade is linked to major markets in the south of the country. These bring people together over wide areas. These Bakosi markets are preferred to going to town as you can buy everything from iron sheets for roofing to a chicken for a meal, and everything else in between. Much comes from South Africa, but local produce is also sold and exchanged. Such large markets are also a focus for social events and much interactions. In the midst of a pandemic, they are clearly foci for infection, and have now been closed.

All these factors have combined in the last couple of months to fuel the pandemic in Zimbabwe, extending it to the rural areas.

Why do death rates remain low, at least for now?

Yet despite this, the number of deaths in our study sites remain low. This remains an anomaly as vaccination rates and existing immunity from earlier infections rates are low.

When we discussed this, the team pointed to the difference between mortalities of those coming from South Africa (and indeed of South Africans and Zimbabweans), pointing to different lifestyles, unhealthy diets of processed foods, co-morbidity factors (including being overweight, having diabetes and so on). Poverty, they argued, has kept us healthy!

In our study areas, burials have been occurring in cases where bodies have been returned home from South Africa. Cemeteries in Bulawayo for example are reported to be being under pressure. This may yet change, but there are some interesting hypotheses about what both results in infection and causes death.

Many informants across our sites point to local remedies as important in managing infection. While more people are getting the disease, its effects though far from pleasant are being addressed by local remedies. Mr Moses Mutoko from Wondedzo Extension in Masvingo district explained:

“In June my whole family was infected by an unknown ‘flu. It was persistent and heavy. We treated ourselves by steaming of a mix of Zumbani (a local herb), eucalyptus leaves and lemon, covering ourselves with a blanket for 15 minutes and sweating hard. We would also drink the mixture morning and night. We would also gargle several times a day with coarse salt and warm water and drink large amounts of water when we wake up and before we go to sleep to clean the body. We all recovered and are fine now. I have shared this prescription with the community, and everyone has taken it up. We hope it will save people from the disease.”

People across our sites urge the government to take local treatments seriously and invest in research as well as promoting seemingly efficacious ones.

Vaccine views

The surge in infections across the country has put the vaccine programme in the spotlight. Earlier reluctance among some has turned to an increasing eagerness to be vaccinated. Currently approximately 6% of the population have had a first dose, but rates have slowed of late due to supply problems. The vaccines being offered remain only the Chinese, Russian and Indian vaccines with an offer via the African Union of Johnson and Johnson vaccines being rejected on the grounds that the infrastructure for delivery was not up to scratch.

Many speculated that this was just politics being played out, with the Zimbabwe government snubbing the West. With the Chinese offering a further 2 million of their Sinovac shots, Zimbabwe may be able to play politics, but it seems a risky strategy right now. This is especially so as delivery is patchy, and the logistics not always streamlined with shortages reported across our sites. Nevertheless, the government’s overall COVID-19 approach has met with approval, both from other countries in Africa, and from the Zimbabwean population according to the Afrobarometer survey.

For a time Zimbabwe had been seen as a potential vaccine tourism destination, with private clinics offering shots for US$70 or more, and South African travel agencies offering pricey vaccination travel packages. However, with current shortages, this has all stopped for now.

Meanwhile, companies such as Tongaat Hullett who run the huge sugar estates are offering shots to workers, as there has been a local peak in infections on the estates, with worker compounds closed down and put into quarantine. Again, this is linked to the season and the greater movement of people associated with cane cutting.  

The discussion in our team and amongst informants across our sites on vaccination continues. Many views are expressed:

  • Some complain that agricultural extension workers are not treated as front-line workers and do not get priority on the vaccination lists like doctors and nurses, yet they have to have face-to-face contact on a regular basis and must travel over wider areas. These individuals are keen to get a shot but have failed so far.
  • Others say that since deaths remain low and that the surge will likely abate after the marketing season and when the weather warms up, then they don’t mind and will wait for an more effective vaccine. They argue that these vaccines are not fully protective like the ones for measles, diphtheria and so on that Zimbabweans are very familiar with and many can name a case where someone vaccinated gets it again.
  • There are some who argue that the situation is nothing like that experienced with AIDS when burials were happening daily and everyone was affected, and yet, they comment, we survived that without a vaccine and through changing behaviours and practices over time.
  • Still others say it’s like any other severe ‘flu and we must learn to live with it, using local remedies. It’s clearly now endemic and it will be part of our winter experience forever.

Just like in discussions across the world, there are plenty of views, each with their own evidence and case studies to share. Complexity, uncertainty and contested interpretations of both science and experience remain the order of the day.

Lockdown responses

The return of a lockdown is creating real concerns. The memories of the suffering from 2020 are fresh. This is especially challenging now as this is the main season for marketing horticultural products. Transporters can only start moving after 6am due to the curfew, meaning fresh, perishable products can only get to market late. And in the evening they want to move their transport out of town before 6pm for fear of getting vehicles impounded. This constrains the marketing day and for farmers reduces income.

In the past weeks, there has been an increase in direct contracting to local supermarkets, as markets have been closed down. This is only available to some and often means lower prices, even if a market is guaranteed. Wider business dependent on agriculture and dependent on farmers buying things are suffering as business hours and movement is restricted once again. It is back to the bad old days of 2020, with businesses laying off people or closing, and farmers suffering.

The importance of real-time reflections

This is the fifteenth contribution to our real-time monitoring and reflection of the pandemic in rural Zimbabwe. It is far from a linear story and there are many contested views and diverse experiences. Without such in-depth, real-time information it is difficult to make an assessment, and so difficult to learn lessons. Lots of studies are emerging right now that offer definitive statements from snapshot and circumscribed surveys, including from rural Africa. What our tracking has shown is that these are inadequate.

A fuller understanding of this pandemic in all its dimensions will only emerge in time, and we will continue our regular reflections, so watch out for the next blog in about a month.

Journal Article: Basket of options: Unpacking the concept

E Ronner, J Sumberg, D Glover, KKE Descheemaeker, CJM Almekinders, BIG Haussmann, TW Kuyper, H Posthumus, P Ebanyat, KE Giller. 2021.

How to stimulate technological change to enhance agricultural productivity and reduce poverty remains an area of vigorous debate. In the face of heterogeneity among farm households and rural areas, one proposition is to offer potential users a ‘basket of options’ – a range of agricultural technologies from which potential users may select the ones that are best suited to their specific circumstances. While the idea of a basket of options is now generally accepted, it has attracted little critical attention. In this paper, we reflect on outstanding questions: the appropriate dimensions of a basket, its contents and how they are identified, and how a basket might be presented. We conceive a basket of options in terms of its depth (number of options related to a problem or opportunity) and breadth (the number of different problems or opportunities addressed). The dimensions of a basket should reflect the framing of the problem or opportunity at hand and the objective in offering the basket. We recognise that increasing the number of options leads to a trade-off by decreasing the fraction of those options that are relevant to an individual user. Farmers might try out, adapt or use one or more of the options in a basket, possibly leading to a process of technological change. We emphasise that the selection (or not) of specific options from the basket, and potential adaptation of the options, provide important opportunities for learning. Baskets of options can therefore be understood as important boundary concepts that invite critical engagement, comparison and discussion. Significant knowledge gaps remain, however, about the best ways to present the basket and to guide potential users to select the options that are most relevant to them.

Roadmap for Rwanda’s rice sector development

Written by: Mr. Pascal Furaha, Japan International Cooperation Agency, Rwanda

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. In the third blog of our series exploring the outcomes of each of these national workshops, we turn our attention to Rwanda.


The national rice conference held on 18th May 2021 in Rwanda, as part of EARC 2021, yielded key policy reforms which hold the key to transforming the country’s rice sub-sector in line with Rwanda’s National Rice Development Strategy (NRDS) 2 (2020-2030).

The workshop was facilitated by Dr. Murekezi Charles, former Director General of Agriculture Development, Ministry of Agriculture and Animal Resources, and focal Point for NRDS taskforce and Coalition for African Rice Development initiative in Rwanda.

Yusuke Haneishi, General Coordinator, Coalition for African Rice Development Secretariat, delivers a virtual opening speech

The conference aimed to facilitate knowledge exchange on rice sector research and development at national and regional levels, take stock of public, private and donor-supported initiatives for policymaking and implementation, and boost multi-stakeholder collaboration to achieve national and regional rice self-sufficiency. This would increase food and nutrition security, and alleviate poverty through inclusive, sustainable rice production and commercialisation.

Impetus for implementation of Rwanda’s National Rice Development Strategy

Appreciating contributions of the NRDS 2 development team also in attendance, Dr. Murekezi encouraged the team to contribute to the identification of key challenges and interventions that would improve the rice sub-sector. These contributions would, in effect, support the key pillars of NRDS 2 which are: enhancing rice production and productivity through research and extension, increasing total factor productivity and resilience of rice farms to climate change, facilitating sustainable and market-driven production systems, and improving policy and institutional environments for increasing private sector investments in rice.

“This conference provides an opportunity to deliberate on key directions that will guide future intervention options in rice,” emphasised Dr. Murekezi.

Outcomes of priority thematic discussions

The conference participants discussed six broad topics along two focus themes, which led to suggested interventions on how the identified key issues could be solved.

Rice research and development

Discussions on innovations in rice mechanisation and post-harvest management identified key issues experienced by rice producers, including small farm sizes, limited skills for mechanisation and inadequate use of machinery for rice cultivation.

The participants proposed consolidation of small farms and adaptation of machinery in farm operations to facilitate mechanisation. They also proposed creation of a national centre of excellence to build the capacity of farmers on maintenance of farm machinery. Strengthening breeding of rice varieties would create high yielding, aromatic and long grain rice varieties that are suitable for the local market, something which is currently lacking. Besides, development of appropriate fertiliser would be a good solution to current blanket fertiliser recommendations used by rice farmers.

Inclusive markets and value chains

Improved access to and use of high-quality seed, adoption of mechanisation and use of appropriate fertilisers would reduce production costs and subsequently increase productivity through improved rice commercialisation and livelihood outcomes. In addition, strengthening farmers’ cooperatives would help farmers to aggregate their produce, hence improving access to markets and public infrastructure. On marketing and value addition, the participants proposed enforcement of standards and regulations, and improvement of post-harvest handling to improve the quality of paddy rice.

Rice-based livelihoods: gender, youth and employment creation

Discussions on gendered livelihood dynamics in rice-based food systems revealed that there is limited extension training and information specifically tailored for women, who must divide their attention between rice cultivation and household chores. Development of women-specific extension programmes, strengthening of early child development and care centres and adoption of technologies would reduce drudgery, save time and ultimately increase participation of women in decision-making within rice cooperatives.

Engaging the youth to provide extension services and building the capacity of cooperatives on irrigation and input distribution would increase availability of extension services, which is currently under supplied. It would also create jobs and employment opportunities for youth in the rice sector, meet the demand for post-harvest mechanisation and increase availability of extension services and inputs.

Rice development, climate change, sustainability and resilience  

Good farming and water management, improvement of dams, and introduction of new pesticides and disease-resistant varieties would reduce flooding, increase water availability during dry spells and deal with emerging rice diseases. Moreover, research and development, use of appropriate machinery, upholding professionalism and awareness creation on quality seed varieties would strengthen linkages between seed value chain actors. It would also increase adoption of high-quality seed and appropriate equipment for harvesting, processing and handling.

Inclusive finance and investment

Stakeholders in the country’s rice sector reported limited access to loan facilities, which also come with high interest rates. This, coupled with risks, reduced private investment in the sector. To deal with this, the conference proposed tailored agricultural finance with longer grace periods and favourable security requirements. Furthermore, the introduction of agriculture insurance and investment in infrastructure – such as roads, electricity and technical assistance – would improve security and availability of credit to small-scale producers and processors, and consequently increase public-private partnerships.

Rice, dietary changes food and nutrition security

Increased availability and consumption of processed rice products would not be complete without enhanced nutrition of available rice varieties. To achieve dietary changes, there is a need to breed more nutritious and bio-fortified rice varieties and increase innovations and investment in rice processing and value addition.

Conclusion

Reforms in the country’s agricultural policies would enable the implementation of the interventions proposed by the Rwanda national rice conference. These interventions include strengthening inspection, establishing certification, registration systems and subsidies. Other useful reforms include consolidation of rice farms, enforcement of standards, product certification, implementation of private sector strategy and establishment of a rice stakeholders’ platform.


For more information on the Rwanda national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

Inclusive and sustainable rice system to transform Kenya’s food system: Lessons from the East African Conference

Written by: Hannington Odame and Evelyn Otieno

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. In the second blog of our series exploring the outcomes of each of these national workshops, we turn our attention to Kenya.


Research, policy reforms and investment in inclusive rice value chains that integrate gender and youth offer a pathway to sustainable livelihoods through rice agri-food systems in Kenya. This conclusion emerged from Kenya’s national EARC 2021, held on 18th May 2021, which brought together government representatives, development partners, youth and farmers groups, researchers and academia, donors and investors, and the private sector.

In his keynote speech, Kenya’s agriculture secretary, Mr. Josephat Gathiru acknowledged the importance of the conference in the country’s efforts to reduce rice imports. “Rice is the third most important cereal in Kenya after maize and wheat. The consumption of rice is favourable to the youth who are most of the country’s population. However, the bulk of rice consumed in Kenya is imported at a value of Ksh 25.1 billion as of 2019, this needs to change, and it is important that we have this conference,” he explained.

The participants discussed and shared experiences on existing challenges and emerging opportunities along the rice value chain. In so doing, the workshop contributed to the wider objectives of the EARC, by providing an excellent platform for stakeholders in Kenya’s rice value chain to collectively consider the opportunities and challenges within the sector.

Ongoing Stream E of Kenya national conference

Challenges and opportunities within Kenya’s rice value chain

Kenya’s rice value chain faces challenges which emanate from within the country and the wider East African region. For instance, rice producers in Kenya incur high cost of inputs and labour during production. In addition, low adoption of improved technologies and mechanisation by smallholder farmers hamper the sector’s productivity. The farmers also face regional challenges such as difficulty in implementing cross-border policies on rice grain trade, and competition from imported rice and its products.

These challenges present opportunities for improvement in the value chain which, like the challenges, often emerge from within the country while some are regional. Regionally, there is potential for large-scale cross-border investment given the growing demand for local non-aromatic rice in the country and the wider continent, whose rice imports are valued at 5-6 billion USD annually.

Locally, there are large irrigable areas for rice cultivation in Kenya. In addition, breeders continue to develop high yielding, stress-tolerant rice varieties. To provide impetus to this, the government of Kenya has prioritised the development of policies which favour domestic rice production and private investments. One such policy is the Kenya National Rice Development Strategy which aims to enhance national food and nutrition security through increased rice production, value addition and marketing.

Samples of rice varieties that have been developed in East Africa. Photo: International Rice Research Institute

Rice research and development

The participants discussed ‘Innovations in rice mechanisation and postharvest’ and ‘Establishment of regional centres of excellence for rice research and development.’ It emerged that, due to low mechanisation, rice farmers suffer high post-harvest losses, and often end up with low quality milled rice due to inappropriate drying. Adoption of an appropriate rice grain drier would reduce post-harvest losses and improve rice quality. In addition, the discussion recommended the establishment of centres of excellence in Eastern and Western regions of Kenya.

Inclusive markets and value chains

The workshop discussed ‘Rice commercialisation and livelihood outcomes’, and ‘Experiences of rice processors in marketing and value addition.’ It emerged that rice farmers cultivate paddy rice variety which is of low quality. This, coupled with inadequate marketing structures, leads to an unfavourable business environment and low returns. The utilisation of a ‘Warehouse Receipt System’ would improve market structures and efficiency in the value chain and provide much-needed information to inform policy and planning, and consequently act as an incentive for investment in the value chain.

Rice-based livelihoods – gender and youth integration

The conference deliberated on ‘Gender livelihood dynamics in rice-based food systems’ and ‘Jobs, employment and entrepreneurships opportunities for youth in the rice sector,’ and found that there is nopolicy considering the socio-cultural context of rice farming communities in Kenya. Particularly, women and youth do not hold key management roles and youth do not consider agriculture as a source of employment. Capacity building and mentorship on the rice value chain would help youth to understand the available employment opportunities in the sector. Besides, development of gender-friendly policies and technologies would solve the socio-cultural challenges faced by rice farmers.

Integrated rice sector development in a changing climate

The participants sharedCounty experiences’ and discussed ways to ‘Enhance sustainability and resilience to enable local and national rice systems to cope with climate change. There are restrictive seed regulations and ongoing research focuses mostly on formal seed systems, which necessitates the development of an integrated seed regulatory framework that would create a favourable policy environment for rice agri-business. In addition, development of climate-resilient rice seed varieties would suit Kenya’s saline and sodic soils, and climatic conditions.

Inclusive finance and investment

Key in the agenda was how to ‘Improve access to credit and finance for small producers and processors’ and ‘Rice sector financing, and public-private partnerships.’ Enhancing partnerships and collaboration between public and private producers would strengthen weak partnerships and compliance to contractual agreements. “Creating an enabling environment for a competitive agriculture sector requires private sector-led development in Kenya’s agricultural sector, improvement of governance of agricultural institutions and increasing market access and trade of agricultural commodities,” emphasised Hon. Davis Mwangoma, County Executive Committee Agriculture, Taita Taveta county.

Agricultural policy reforms

Discussions on ‘Production, value chains and markets’ and ‘Rice, dietary changes and household food and nutrition security’ revealed that there is a weak rice seed system. In addition, the available paddy rice variety is not enough and the little available is of poor quality. Also, rice growing households overly rely on rice as a single source of food. The participants agreed that strengthening the formal seed system offers a solution, and mainstreaming nutrition security in the rice value chain would help diversify nutrition for rice farming communities.

It is hoped that the Kenya workshop will support multi-stakeholder collaboration for the country’s rice self-sufficiency, which will, in turn, increase domestic production and boost Kenya’s efforts to align its priorities to transform food systems. Consequently, it will increase food and nutrition security, end hunger and malnutrition, and alleviate poverty through inclusive and sustainable rice production and commercialisation through sustainable and inclusive food systems.


For more information on the Kenya national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

How is ‘China’ helping to transform ‘Africa’? The need for a more sophisticated debate


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland


How is China helping to transform African economies? There are many different narratives cast around in public and policy debate: China as the new imperial power, China as the radical developmentalist, China as just like any other donor/foreign power. None are very convincing. A report synthesising a number of research projects has been published recently, titled Africa’s economic transformation: the role of Chinese investmentand aims to get beyond the rhetoric and gain a more sophisticated, empirically-based analysis based on substantial UK-funded research efforts over recent years. 

Based on detailed studies from Angola to Zambia, the report covers a range of Chinese investments from infrastructure to technology to manufacturing. Agriculture and land-based investments don’t get much attention, but some wider lessons can be drawn. Overall, the report argues that Chinese investments are not exceptional, but have certain patterns. They generally focus on the productive economic sector and that although most efforts are relatively isolated project investments, they result in increased local employment (but usually initially of lower-grade jobs) with positive impacts on local markets. Investments are not by-and-large focused on extraction of goods for export to China, as some narratives suggest. Limited vertical and horizontal linkages with the wider economy are observed with projects seen as rather isolated, and with limited impacts on the large African informal economy. Training of workforces happens, and may result in skill upgrading, although in the establishment phases of business investments, higher-skilled and management jobs largely remaining Chinese.

A few years ago now, together with colleagues from China, Brazil, Mozambique, Ghana, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe, we conducted similar research looking at Chinese (and Brazilian) agriculture investments, both commercial projects and state-backed aid funding – all published open access in World Development. Some of these broader trends highlighted in the report are seen, but not all. Through joint ventures and contract farming efforts – accelerating since our earlier studies in Zimbabwe around tobacco – have resulted in much greater integration of agricultural businesses within the economy, even with smallholders. While tobacco is definitely geared to export to China, the spin-off linkage benefits to rural economies have been huge.

Training has been an important feature in Chinese agricultural investments, with large numbers of Africans trained at Chinese universities in a variety of subjects, along with support for technical upgrading. For example, Chinese investment in the Zimbabwean Tobacco Research Institute has been important, supported by exchange visits and investment in equipment. The Chinese Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centres (ATDCs) have had mixed success, and have turned out very differently in different countries. However at a time when state and Western donor investment in agricultural R&D had shrunk to virtually zero in many countries – certainly in Zimbabwe – the establishment of the ATDC at Gwebi was widely welcomed, even if the technologies on offer did not quite fit the new post-land reform setting.

As Carlos Oya and colleagues’ fascinating study of labour practices in Chinese construction and manufacturing sector investments in Angola and Ethiopia shows, there is no single labour regime observed. It very much depends on the wider political-economic context, and the dynamics of accumulation in the national economy, the nature of the state priorities and political commitments to different policies (foreign investment vs labour rights for example). The origin of the investment firm therefore has less of an impact than the investment context. This conditions what labour is available and hired, and how labourers are treated. Indeed, contrary to popular conceptions Chinese investors have no worse labour practices than others, with increasing integration into the local economy, with a localisation and training of the workforce seen over time. There is therefore no one pattern of Chinese investment, no one predictable outcome. This is part of the problem with the report as, in its search for a generalised prognosis, it frames the whole problematic in terms of ‘China’s investment’ and ‘Africa’s transformation’, as if both China and Africa were singular.

We know from the case studies discussed in the report – and reinforced by our multi-country study on agricultural aid and investment – that patterns of Chinese engagement vary massively between different African countries. This depends on historical legacies (particularly from the liberation wars and independence struggles of the 1960s and 70s), political positioning (for example in respect of alignment with US/Western interests, and especially in relation to Taiwan), and the state of the economy (investing in Ghana, Kenya, Ethiopia or Nigeria, where economies have been booming is a very different prospect to investing in Mozambique or Zimbabwe). Not surprisingly, all these factors impinge on what investments happen and how they pan out.

Equally, ‘Chinese’ investments have to be understood in terms of where they come from. Some emanate from the centre, and are part of the Chines aid-investment strategy. But most, even if via State-Owned Enterprises, emerge from particular provinces. These may get central state backing for ‘going out’, but they take on a very particular provincial character. They are ‘Chinese’ in that they come from the People’s Republic of China, but they are more accurately described as from Guangdong or Yunnan. As research on Chinese economic development shows, there is a huge variety of approaches, with quite different provincial styles of business and investment. This important dimension did not come out in the report, resorting as it did to generic characterisations geared perhaps to a simplistic UK aid debate.

However, repeatedly we see in our work the very different provincial characteristics of the host firms of different ATDCs across countries resulting in contrasting priorities and operations on the ground in Africa (Zimbabwe and Ethiopia for example are massively different). ‘Chinese’ firms that take up tobacco joint ventures in our study sites in Mvurwi in Zimbabwe come from very different parts of China (not necessarily tobacco growing regions, as some are expanding from mining or other businesses), again with different business models, labour practices, investment priorities and sources of finance.   

Going beyond the ‘China in Africa’ simplification is long overdue. The individual research studies covered in the report no doubt pick up the particularities and the context (I admit that I haven’t read them all), but these sort of syntheses and associated policy debate too often fail to. We have to understand the particularities of these ‘development encounters’, and nuance the debate. Of course, just as we differentiate between ‘European’ investment from the UK or Sweden, so we must between ‘Chinese’ investment from Hunan or Hubei.

Investment outcomes and development processes are always a complex political negotiation – of knowledge frames, values, cultures, interests and economic priorities – between located firms and particular local political economies. Whether focusing on investments from China, Europe or the Americas, some more sophistication is needed in thinking through the processes, practices and possibilities of such encounters.

Photo credit: NewZimbabwe.com

Social issues impacting household food security in the epoch of COVID-19

Written by: Loveness Msofi Mgalamadzi

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected lives and livelihoods around the world, and Malawi is no exception. This blog explores the social and food security issues arising from the implementation of COVID-19 preventive measures at household level in the country.


Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought about unprecedented impacts that have affected most aspects of people’s lives. As cases rose and the world became increasingly anxious, many countries started implementing measures to prevent the disease, such as border closures. Malawi declared a state of disaster on March 20, 2020. The first case was confirmed on April 2, 2020 and as of 19th March 2021, there were 33,174 confirmed cases with about 4,101 active cases, 27,847 recoveries and 1,092 deaths.

After cases were detected, the country moved to enforce a nationwide lockdown aimed at restricting movement and enforcing adherence to prevention measures. However, the public argued that the country was not prepared for a lockdown, especially among many Malawians who live on “hand-to-mouth” basis, and protests went so far as to obtain a court order stopping the government from enforcing the lockdown. Further, any move to impose a lockdown was perceived to be politically orchestrated, related to impending elections.

Despite the lack of a nationwide lockdown, different measures were implemented at individual, household, community, workplace and national level which came at a cost, and impacted social networks, economic activities and the population’s psychological wellbeing.

Study details

A study commissioned by Young African Researchers in Agriculture under the COVID-19, Food Systems and Rural Livelihood in Africa Programme was aimed at assessing the social and food security issues arising from the implementation of COVID-19 preventive measures. This study was conducted with the understanding that the pandemic not only affected economic activities, but also social networks which are crucial for food security at household level as social capital is one of the assets people use in pursuit of their daily livelihoods. The study also provides a different perspective of the pandemic’s effects as Malawi followed a unique approach to control the virus. The study used qualitative interviews with targeted urban and peri-urban dwellers. A questionnaire was sent out virtually to 114 respondents, with a 71% response rate.

Study findings

Most common COVID-19 preventive measures

Figure 1: Most common COVID-19 measures

The most common measures practiced include wearing a face mask, washing hands frequently, avoiding large group activities, staying at home, working from home and restricting visitors. These measures had several social implications affecting food availability. For example, wearing a face mask has become a precondition for accessing most public places and supermarkets in which individuals must go to purchase food. At the beginning of the pandemic, face masks were expensive, costing about US$1.03, and therefore posed an economic challenge for low-income households. However, prices have since dropped to US$0.23 with hand-made and washable cloth masks also available.

Food market purchases crucial during COVID-19

The study established that the majority of participants access food through purchases at local markets and supermarkets within their locality. However, the pandemic affected the frequency of visits to these markets because, as noted above, people preferred staying at home and avoiding large groups. Before the pandemic, participants could typically make one visit per week to the market, but during the pandemic, they visit the markets just once a month. This, in turn, affected their food availability and choices, as some foods are perishable and because they could not go certain places where specific foods are sold.

Food production is indirectly affected by reduced economic activity

As the majority of participants access food through purchases, rather than producing it themselves, their food production was not directly affected. However, some indicated that reduced economic activities and reduced interaction with parents, as a result of COVID-19 measures, affected their parents’ and relatives’ potential production activities. The majority of participants (63%) indicated they are bread winners for their parents and other relatives.

“Reduced visits to my dependents has affected the frequency of support that I give to them, which is mostly on food and production resources,” said one respondent.

Measures such as staying at home or working from home to avoid large groupings also affected interactions with peers and other relations who were potential sources of food.

Extension services were also affected, as extension workers were unable to visit farmers. This lack of contact between extension workers and farmers can signal lower harvests in the next growing season, which has implications for long-term food security.

Closure of schools meant that children stayed at home for a much longer time, increasing expenditures on food and, among those learning from home through online means, increasing internet costs, hence straining an already reduced budget on food further. This also meant that parents and guardians were spending time helping their children with school work, reducing their economic activities even more.

Social conflicts increasing with COVID-19

Other impacts of COVID-19 reported include incidences of discrimination, as reported by about 72% of respondents. This discrimination is especially towards those wearing masks, coughing, and who have had the disease, as well as returnees from abroad. “Those infected are isolated even after the disease, and are considered infectious by society even after being declared virus free,” one respondent said.

Those discriminated against were unable to go to spaces where they can access food, and their relations were unwilling to come near them for fear of contracting the disease, which deprived them of interactions important for economic activities and food access. Church closures also held challenges, as some participants indicated that they get a lot of help from church colleagues with access to food.

Conclusions

The study aimed to understand social issues arising due to COVID-19 measures such as face masks, washing hands, staying home and avoiding large groupings, and how these social issues impact food security. These measures brought about disruptions in social networking which had consequent impacts on food availability, access and choices. For example, we found that the measures resulted in reduced economic activities which constrained household income and therefore reduced access to food and food choices. Other examples include reduced visits of children to their parents and trips to food markets, and various social impacts such as stigma and discrimination, teenage pregnancies and early marriages, and disruption of religious activities.

Gender transformative change critical for nurturing an equitable rice sector in Africa

A woman sifts rice in Rwanda. Photo: IRRI

Written by: Joana Rizza Bagano

In this blog, originally published for the CGIAR Gender Platform, gender experts present evidence and policy lessons on gender and youth integration in rice-based agri-food systems from Africa.


For centuries, rice has played a central role in Asia’s rice-based economies, so central that the crop has become a symbol for wealth, power, and food security. “White gold,” it has often been called.

This label is slowly taking on its own meaning in Africa, where rice is increasingly being seen as a strategic crop, a pathway out of poverty, and for women, a significant opportunity.

The extent of women’s participation and the roles they play in agri-food systems may vary across countries and regions, but the reality remains the same: women are central to the sustainable development of agri-food systems. However, social, political and market institutions which govern food systems portray elements of gender bias at all levels, holding back women in vicious cycles of time and income poverty.

Ranjitha Puskur, Research Leader for Gender and Livelihoods, International Rice Research Institute presented “Gender Equality and Sustainable Rice Agri-food Systems Transformation in Africa: Nurturing Synergies” at the East Africa Rice Conference 2021 (EARC2021), where key players gathered for important discussions on strengthening rice-based agri-food systems in the region.

There is still much to unpack, according to Puskur. Driving gender-transformative change requires adequate and credible evidence, of which we have little for Africa’s rice sector.

Fundamentally, agri-food systems are shaped by gender relations. Over time, skewed gender relations have resulted in huge gender gaps and curtailed women’s ability to engage in the most productive nodes of agri-food systems, with negative impacts for the system.

While women have the potential to become powerful agents of change, driving food systems transformation in Africa, Puskur suggests a shift in perspective to ask, “How can agri-food systems support gender equality?”

Ensuring equitable access to land

One of the major constraints African women face is lack of access to land. There is compelling evidence that women’s control over land has immense positive impacts on intra-household income. Efforts are being made in many countries to address women’s access to land, but challenges abound.

In Rwanda, a pilot land rights regularization program helped women get access to land control, leading to doubled impacts on investment and maintenance of soil conservation measures. In the case of women-headed households, the impacts tripled. However, land use restrictions gave them little freedom to grow crops of their choice, negatively impacting their food security.

Puskur shared how, in Mali, a series of community-based dialogues provided a space to clarify women’s and men’s land rights, eventually leading to village-level ‘local conventions’ and formal permanent titles for land held by women’s groups. The dialogues helped participants work through customary and religious systems and analyze existing power and gender structures, observing how these evolve with time and how they affect access to land, decision-making, and sources of conflict.

What little evidence is available shows that women’s active participation is needed not only in the implementation of tools, policies, and initiatives, but perhaps, more importantly, in the design and conceptualization of these.

What’s more, transformative change does require an inclusive and systemic approach.

“Women cannot just work or work alone. We need men to achieve gender-equitable outcomes. We need men to be partners in transformation efforts,” mentioned Gaudiose Mujawamariya, Rice Value Chain Expert and Gender Focal Point, AfricaRice, and chair of the session at EARC2021.

Eliminating women’s time poverty

A rice farmer in Rwanda. Photo: IRRI

The labor-intensive nature of rice farming also offers a particular challenge, given women’s chronic time poverty and their limited access to mechanization technologies, limiting cultural beliefs about who should use machines and the constraints women face in hiring labor. For example, in Rwanda 84 percent of women in 31 cooperatives were hired mostly for scaring birds off fields, a high-risk, low-reward activity that required little to no skills.

Estimates from India show that women spend around 200 to 300 hours per acre of land per season in transplanting and transporting, and another 100 hours in weeding. All this is done standing or bending in chemical- and leech-filled water, posing health risks not just to the women themselves, but to their children as well.

The Agricultural Technical Vocational Education and Training for Women (ATVET4W) implemented by the African Union Development Agency (AUDA-NEPAD) in six African countries not only focused on skills training for women, but also supported them to benefit from these skills.

Women who engage in mechanized farming, such as the use of reapers, save time for other activities and possibly, other streams of income. “Women in the Driving Seat” is one such project under ATVET4W that aimed to open access for women to mechanized agriculture.

“ATVET4W was designed based on very extensive knowledge of gender transformative approaches. So, it was also about influencing the attitudes, practices and behaviors of men and women who were engaged in these aspects,” Puskur said.

Building on social capital for enhancing market engagement

In Africa and many parts of the world, smallholder farmers are usually ‘price takers’—they take the price they can get—and women farmers have even lower bargaining power.

Oxfam Novib’s Gender Action Learning System (GALS) is an example of breaking gender-based barriers at various levels, from personal to household to groups and communities. Individual and household behavior change influenced livelihood improvement (higher productivity) and better access to services and markets, among others.

Burundi women farmers rejoice following completion of a rice growing training program. Photo: IRRI

Social capital such as collectives or cooperatives may be a way of overcoming hurdles to input and output markets, but Puskur emphasized that it is important to design these initiatives thoughtfully, so that women enjoy the full benefits.

“We also need livelihoods, diversification, creating decent employment and entrepreneurship opportunities, skill development, and asset building. Social protection measures have to go together with these so that we can cushion the vulnerable women from income and enterprise losses,” Puskur explained.

Steven Cole, Senior Scientist (Gender Specialist) at the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) encapsulates this part of the conversation with “Women shape and are shaped by rice agri-food systems. [They] are often disproportionately impacted by discriminatory institutions that govern, in many ways, the agri-food systems and make the formal and informal rules.”

Within the household, Cole emphasized the need to have a conversation between couples about their vision.

“If the household broadly wishes to increase productivity through adopting a new rice variety, what does that entail? What are the blockages and what prevents that from happening? You have the technology, but then there are some constraints that prohibit that technology adoption,” Cole explained.

Thelma Akongo, Head of Gender and Social Safeguards, National Agricultural Research Organisation Uganda, recalled that in the past, initiatives also failed to consider the diversity of women under the lowland rice production system. Large-scale producers, including women with access to income and resources, are a radically different from women subsistence farmers, who are often burdened with scarcity and conflict in the household.

Bridging gaps in knowledge, policy, and action

Across the rice value chain, policy goals are usually prioritized according to political factors. Social factors receive little attention, resulting in policies and strategies that are not inclusive.

“If you look at Africa, a lot of the policies are focused on trade tariffs and transportation in taxes, given the import dependence. Most of these are impacting rice traders who are mostly men.  Women who have limited mobility and sell at farm gate might not really benefit from this,” Puskur mentioned.

Cole concluded that for gender equality to go beyond increased productivity and food security, we need novel financing mechanisms to support mechanization, inclusive policies and effective extension services.

To achieve sustainability in rice agri-food systems, we should move toward a scenario where women are on equal footing with men across the entire rice value chain, including having control over income and production, important resources such as land and water, and over decisions on important activities such as mechanization, post-harvest, and marketing. Achieving a sustainable transformation of rice food systems in Africa will remain a mirage if gender equality is not addressed in tandem.

Gender and social differentiation in the context of agricultural commercialisation in Malawi

Written by Loveness Msofi Mgalamadzi

This blog summarises the findings of APRA Working Paper 58, observing agricultural commercialisation in Malawi and how it differs among various gender and social groups. This study found that female-headed and poorer households are at a disadvantage compared to their male-headed and wealthier counterparts due to differential access to resources and control over decision-making. The following blog provides a deeper look into this reality, and assesses the impact of gender and wealth on several aspects of commercialisation.


Introduction

Agricultural commercialisation is deemed essential in creating employment opportunities, and improving incomes and livelihoods for rural households. As a result, a shift from subsistence to commercial agriculture has been considered as a positive step towards economic development and deemed one of Malawi’s national priorities, as a way of boosting the country’s economy, as well as the livelihoods of Malawians.

However, agricultural commercialisation is happening to various degrees for different social groups, hence leading to different outcomes with some winning and others losing. This is partly due to the social relationships shared among these different social groups regarding labour and ownership of resources, such as land, inputs, tools and materials used in the process of agricultural commercialisation. This study aimed to identify who agricultural commercialisation really benefits through an analysis of who, among the different gender and wealth categories, benefits from agricultural commercialisation, and what the impacts of agricultural commercialisation are on the livelihoods of those gender and wealth categories.

Study details

Data collected for an Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA) study in Malawi was used to understand the gender and social differences in agricultural commercialisation. The APRA study was conducted in Mchinji and Ntchisi districts in central Malawi, as they produce most of the groundnuts in Malawi, a cash crop that has been key in recent years with concern to smallholder agricultural commercialisation. This study used key informant interviews and focus group discussions with smallholder farmers, farmer group leaders and local leaders, as well as categorised livelihood trajectories, as its data sets. The categorisation of households was based on analysis of quantitative data from household surveys, employing Dorward et al.’s 2009 framework of livelihood trajectories which categorised households into three trajectories including ‘hanging in’, ‘stepping up’ and ‘stepping out’, with an addition of ‘dropping out’ by Mushongah (2009).1

Study findings

Gender, wealth and livelihood trajectories

Here, the aim was to understand to which livelihood trajectories the different gender and wealth categories belong or are likely to belong. We found that female-headed households are more likely to be ‘hanging in’ than male-headed households; while male-headed households are more likely to be ‘stepping up’ than their female-headed counterparts. We also established that poorer households are more likely to be ‘hanging in’ and ‘dropping out’ than richer households; and richer households are more likely to be ‘stepping up’ and ‘stepping out’ than poorer households.

Gender, wealth groups and agricultural commercialisation

The results also show that there are differences in the levels of agricultural commercialisation among the different gender and wealth groups. Male-headed households had a higher Household Commercialisation Index (HCI)2 compared to female-headed households, which means that they are more likely to commercialise than female-headed households. This difference in levels of commercialisation could be explained by the differences in access to productive resources, such as inputs, labour and land. Furthermore, we established that poorer households have reduced access to agricultural inputs, labour (as they usually sell their labour), land (as they often rent out their land), and other productive resources, which is likely to put them in a disadvantaged position as far as commercial farming is concerned.

Gender of decision-maker and household commercialisation

We also examined intra-household decision-making, and access to, control over and ownership of productive resources in relation to agricultural commercialisation. We found that in male-headed households, men are more likely to make decisions regarding production, resources and income. We also found that, despite women owning land in some cases, decisions on what happens on the land are made by men. However, there were different views regarding whether this is a positive or negative thing, with some characterising it as negative because it allows men to make decisions that favour themselves, while others view it is a positive thing because men’s decisions benefit the households, citing reasons of better capabilities among men.

Asset accumulation, gender, wealth and agricultural commercialisation

We established that female-headed and poorer households are likely to earn more income from ganyu (short-term, off-farm labour) compared to male-headed and wealthier households, while the latter are more likely to earn income from crops and livestock sales. This adds to the disadvantaged position of female-headed and poorer households in regards to agricultural commercialisation. The study also found that female-headed and poorer households are less likely to own livestock than their male-headed and wealthier counterparts. In terms of land ownership, male-headed households and richer households are more likely to own land due to their ability to purchase and rent more land than female-headed households and poorer households, who typically must sell or rent out their land due to lack of inputs, including labour.

Food security situation, gender and wealth groups

In the study, we found that male-headed households are more likely to have a higher Food Consumption Score, and Dietary Diversity Score than female-headed households. We also found that poorer households usually run out of food quickly, as they do not harvest enough to last longer periods of time, and their diets are worse than wealthier households. This generally shows that female-headed and poorer households have poor livelihoods compared to male-headed and richer households.

Conclusions

The study was aimed at understanding gender and social differentiation in the context of agricultural commercialisation in rural Malawi. The study focused on differences among gender and wealth categories with regards to livelihood trajectories, levels of agricultural commercialisation, asset accumulation and food security. The study established that male-headed and richer households are in an advantaged position to commercialise as a result of their access to resources and income, and also have better livelihoods and compared to female-headed and poorer households. In male-headed households, it is men who make decisions regarding production and income use, which was viewed by some women as positive and others negative.


1 For details on the description of the livelihood trajectories refer to Mgalamadzi et al. (2021).

2 The proportion of total production marketed (APRA, 2018).

Journal Article: Medium-scale commercial agriculture in Zimbabwe: the experience of A2 resettlement farms

Toendepi Shonhe, Ian Scoones and Felix Murimbarimba. 2021.

The emergence of medium-scale farms is having important consequences for agricultural commercialisation across Africa. This article examines the role of medium-scale A2 farms allocated following Zimbabwe’s land reform after 2000. While the existing literature focuses on changing farm size distributions, this article investigates processes of social differentiation across medium-scale farms, based on qualitative-quantitative studies in two contrasting sites (Mvurwi and Masvingo-Gutu). Diverse processes of accumulation are identified across commercial, aspiring and struggling farmers, and linked to contrasting patterns of agricultural production and sale, asset ownership, employment and finance. The ability to mobilise finance, influenced by the state of the macro-economy, as well as forms of political patronage, is identified as a crucial driver. Contrary to assertions that A2 farms are largely occupied by ‘cronies’ and that they are unproductive and under-utilised, a more differentiated picture emerges, with important implications for policy and the wider politics of Zimbabwe’s countryside following land reform.

COVID-19 and economic transformation in rural Zimbabwe


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland


Zimbabwe’s COVID-19 situation looks uncertain, with localised outbreaks and a rise in infections south of the Limpopo in South Africa. On June 11 there were 191 new cases (including 82 that were reported late) and 3 deaths reported, making a cumulative total of 39,688 cases and 1,629 deaths and a current seven-day rolling average new case rate of 77 per day, with a discernible upward trend. Vaccination rates are increasing, but very slowly and somewhat chaotically with 691,251 vaccinated so far.

On June 12, Vice-President and health minister, Constantino Chiwenga, imposed new restrictions, with the banning of gatherings, the limiting of business hours, a stipulation that offices should only be half full and the prevention of moving to and from ‘hotspots’. This is a set-back as things had got largely back to ‘normal’ (whatever that is) in the previous weeks. Across our sites people had got back to work. It’s harvest season and markets have been open, with the selling of grains, tobacco, beans and horticulture happening across all sites. Meanwhile in the sugar estates it’s cane cutting season, with much activity and movement of people to provide temporary labour.

With so many people gathering at marketing points and traders, labourers and transporters, the fear was that these could become sites of infection, hence the recent move. Larger gatherings of churches, farmer field days, training events, funerals and so on were previously allowed if not exceeding 50 people, but are now either banned or have a reduction in permitted numbers. While these regulations were sometimes not kept to, as of last week our team report no major COVID-19 problems in any of our rural sites across the country, although the worry is that this may yet change.

The national pattern currently seems to be small, focused outbreaks that are dealt with by Ministry of Health ‘rapid response teams’ that operate in each of the provinces, coordinated through the district COVID-19 taskforces, which has membership from across sectors. The most recent such outbreak near our sites was at Bondolfi teachers’ college where there were a number of cases reported. Isolation and quarantining seem to have stopped further spread fortunately and all are now recovered.

Currently there are concerns in Kariba where the district taskforce has been targeting ‘houseboat gigs’ and shebeens where many gather to drink and are spreading infection. Last Saturday a lockdown was announced for Hurungwe and Kariba districts due to 40 new cases being identified, with movements in and out of the districts restricted and a process of contact tracing is ongoing. The fear of course is that such hotspots will spread.

Variants and vaccines

Like other parts of the world, the concern is with the potential impact of new variants. So far there has been one outbreak of the Indian-origin delta variant in Kwekwe. Someone returning from India had infected a number of people and a local lockdown has occurred and been extended, again hopefully stopping further spread.

However, borders remain open, although restrictions and requirements for testing have been increased this last weekend. There is some testing, but also lots of reports of fake test certificates, with some in Mpilo hospital arrested, so it is difficult to see how the spread of variants, as elsewhere in the world, will be stopped, even if spread can be slowed.

The vaccination programme has run into difficulties with demand exceeding supply in some places, although the opposite in others. The ministry has admitted problems with distribution and administration. The main vaccines remain the Chinese Sinopharm and Sinovac shots (and some Indian ones too). Promises of others from Western aid programmes seem not to have been fulfilled as yet, while the Zimbabwe government has been showing caution around the US/Belgian Johnson and Johnson vaccine, perhaps part of the on-going tussle with Western powers. Meanwhile, as part of the continued frenzied vaccine diplomacy, the president received the first delivery of 25,000 Russian Sputnik V vaccine doses at the end of last week, donated by a diamond mining company. Vaccines clearly have important soft power.

Vaccine hesitancy remains, fuelled by much misinformation through the online media, WhatsApp messages and so on. But the big issue seems to be delivery and the capacity of the over-stretched health service to delivery. The ministry correctly is keeping up with its regular vaccination programmes, and the current polio vaccination drive is occupying staff and taking them away from COVID-19 vaccination.

Our informants noted that they can arrive at a clinic and be turned away as the health staff are busy, even if there are COVID-19 vaccines there. Given the lack of incidence in our study areas, there is little urgency felt and many argue that local remedies – from local herbs and leaves to lemons, garlic and ginger – used for teas and steaming are sufficient. The cost of lemons apparently is soaring, and there are many new businesses packaging teas and juices to combat COVID-19.

Markets are open, business is back

Unlike last year when the harvest season was very difficult, this year there has been much more opportunity. In Mvurwi, tobacco marketing has been in full swing across a number of auction floors, and the trading companies are busy. Transporters are moving crops around and there has been a thriving business in the areas where people gather to market their crops, as prepared food is sold and groceries exchanged through a myriad of traders. As of 12 June, this is now banned as vending in and around tobacco auction floors is prohibited and a maximum of two sellers per delivery is allowed.

Maize and soybean marketing is underway too, but the government buyer – the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) – while offering higher prices has distant depots, pays in local currency (RTGS) and the cost of transportation is high. Instead, informal traders come to the farms, exchanging goods, notably groceries, for maize in particular. This means maize goes for USD 3 per bucket not the equivalent of USD 6.

While farmers complain about being ripped off, the provision of goods locally and the ease of marketing/transport is clearly beneficial. And the growth of informal trade provides jobs and sources of income for a whole range of people, especially women and younger people. 

The cold season is traditionally a focus for horticultural production but some producers, particularly in Chatsworth-Gutu area, have been hit by frost, with large amounts of produce destroyed. In the same way, livestock have been affected be tick diseases this year, due to the plentiful rains. Despite it being the dry season now, this continues to be a problem in some of our sites, and owners are selling off sick cattle before they die and so flooding the market and suppressing prices.

Despite these challenges, the marketing difficulties for farmers of the earlier COVID-19 lockdown periods have declined and all value chains for different crops are re-emerging, with vendors, traders, transporters and others all returning to support agriculture and the marketing of products across our sites.

However, the form, composition and location of these value chains are changing. Agricultural markets are now more localised, involve a greater diversity of people with exchange and barter being important and formal sales to outfits like the GMB on the decline. In time it may be that the more formal connections are re-established with the big players returning to dominate and control the market from farm sales to retail, but for now the COVID-19 shock seems to have reconfigured markets in favour of multiple, local players, with important effects on local economies, with value distributed across agricultural marketing chains.

Small towns are benefiting

This explosion of local economic activity is seen especially in small towns. In the two previous blogs (here and here), and in our paper in the European Journal of Development Research, the implications of land reform on small town growth has been emphasised, based on work in Mvruwi, Chatsworth and Maphisa over the past five years or so. This pattern has been accelerated by the effects of the pandemic.

With transport restricted by lockdowns and curfews and endless rent-seeking by the police on the roads, there has been a move to local marketing arrangements, often small-scale and involving informal, sometimes barter, arrangements. Women and young people without land are especially involved, and their improved spending power is seen in the rise of local retail outlets in small towns offering basic goods and groceries. While lockdowns affected the operation of food outlets and many other businesses, as we have discussed many times in our blogs on COVID-19 impacts since March 2020, there has been a rebounding of activity; although with the recent announcement business hours are again restricted to 8am to 6pm, with all markets closing at 6pm and bottle stores two hours earlier.

Unlike larger businesses with a single operation, many of those involved in trade in small towns operate at a small scale and have other activities in play. Many business people in the small towns we’ve been researching had land reform farm plots and could diversify when their businesses were restricted, but now they’re very much back.

There are health restrictions in place – sanitisation and mask wearing is encouraged and large crowds are banned – but in the absence of cases and with the fear of COVID having receded from earlier periods, there is a much more lax attitude to restrictions in all our sites according to our team. This may not last if the spread of COVID-19 continues in South Africa, but for now small town business is thriving again.

The shortening of value chains and the focus on local economic activity is also reflected in investments by larger agricultural businesses. For example, in Mvurwi, an important centre for tobacco growing, tobacco companies have invested in new floors, with impressive new structures being built.

Since people couldn’t move during lockdown, they had to come nearer to the farmers. And the firms have clearly judged that this situation is permanent, with significant benefits for the efficiency of marketing and access to high quality tobacco leaf. There are now eight trading floors operating in the town, up from one earlier, ranging from the big players (ZLT, MTC, Boka) to newer companies (Boost Africa, Sub Sahara etc.). This move to local investment is reflected in the multiplication of banks in the town too. There are now six banks operating, where there were only three before. This allows farmers to gain finance, pay in sales receipts and manage their income much more easily, with the banks benefiting too.

Even in areas that don’t have such an intensive, cash-oriented commercial agriculture, there are other similar developments towards a localisation of the economy. For example near Wondedzo, because people could not travel to Masvingo, Gweru or Harare to get seedlings for horticultural operations, a number of new business have emerged, based in the rural areas. Near Zimuto Mission, for example, Mrs Z has started producing seedlings, including of rape, cabbage, tomato and so on, with a vibrant local market. The same applies to Mr B’s business in Chatsworth, again supplying seedlings to the local horticultural market, replacing the mainstream suppliers, and making serious money by all accounts. 

Localising economies

We are very far from a post-COVID situation in Zimbabwe, and must await a wider vaccination effort, with help from the world beyond China being essential. However, there are glimpses of what this might look like. The growth of informal markets, the localisation of economic activity, the expansion of rural-based businesses and the continued growth of small towns as centres of exchange and trade in rural settings are all central elements.

These are all features that have dominated Zimbabwe’s rural areas since land reform. Sometimes denigrated and dismissed as not the supposed ideal of what existed before, but maybe this transformation has been the basis for survival during the pandemic, and provides the basis for an on-going shift to a more flourishing, localised economy linked to agriculture into the future. 

Key messages and required actions for Ethiopian rice sector development: Outcomes of a national rice conference

EARC 2021 participants at the International Livestock Research Institute, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

EARC 2021 participants at the International Livestock Research Institute, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia


Written by Dawit Alemu

As part of the 2021 East African Rice Conference (EARC), national workshops were held in six African countries: Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. EARC aimed to identify policy reforms to transform Africa’s rice sector through scientific innovations, and the national events provided an opportunity to assess such opportunities in each of the six countries, individually. This blog explores the outcomes of Ethiopia’s national workshop, which was held in parallel in Addis Ababa and Bahir Dar.


Introduction

On 18th May 2021, the Ethiopian national rice conference gathered senior officials, experts, researchers, businessmen drawn from the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA), federal and regional agricultural research institutes, private companies engaged in rice seed production, importation of agricultural machineries and agro-chemicals, farmers and rice processors.

The national conference was facilitated by Dr Dawit Alemu, Manager of the Bilateral Ethiopian-Netherlands Effort for Food, Income and Trade Partnership program and APRA Ethiopia country lead, who introduced the objectives of both the national and regional conference. These objectives were: (i) to facilitate knowledge exchange on rice sector research and development at national and regional levels;(ii) to take stock of public, private and donor-supported initiatives to inform policy-making and implementation; and (iii) to boost multi-stakeholder collaboration toward achieving national and regional rice self-sufficiency, increasing food and nutrition security, and alleviating poverty through inclusive and sustainable production and commercialisation. In addition, he provided the conference content for both the national and regional events.

EARC 2021 participants at BDR Dilano

National conference opening session

Following the opening event were technical presentations and discussions on six priority thematic areas, listed in the table below. The conference was officially opened by Mrs Yenenesh Egu, Director of the Agricultural Extension Directorate of MoA, on behalf of the Ministry. She acknowledged the importance of the conference, which is linked with the East African regional level, in relation to the consideration of rice in Ethiopia as one of the priority commodities next to wheat, oil crops and cotton. The importance of rice was presented both in terms of the opportunities and challenges it provides associated with (i) the increasing trend in the expansion of rice production linked with agro-ecological suitability and existing potential, (ii) the compatibility of rice in local farming systems and traditional foods, (iii) the economic incentives of rice production (comparative advantage), and (iv) the rapid increase in domestic rice consumption and the associated burden on foreign currency due to rice imports. She reflected that the national and regional conference provides an opportunity to deliberate on these issues and identify key directions that will guide future intervention options.

As part of the opening session, Dr Abdelbagi Ismail, Principal Scientist and International Rice Research Institute Africa Representative, and Dr Yusuke Haneishi, General Coordinator of the Coalition for African Rice Development Secretariat, shared their respective pre-recorded speeches, which primarily focused on the importance of the regional conference, what is expected from the conference and future engagement of the respective organisations in supporting rice sector development, both at the national and regional level.

Thematic presentations, discussions and suggested interventions

Following the opening event, the presentation and discussion were made in the six streams with their respective two key focus themes. The key outcomes of the presentations and discussions, along with suggested interventions, are summarised in the table below.

Contribution of the national conference to EARC 2021 (closing panel discussion)

The key outcomes of the national conference were shared at EARC 2021 conference held on 19th and 20th of May, virtually. In addition, a participant Mr Abebe Haile, a businessman engaged in rice sector, provided his reflections at the conclusion session of EARC 2021 for the key questions. In relation to his reflection on how to transform the rice sector in East Africa by 2030, he responded that the following four issues need due attention if the sector is to be transformed:

  • Ensuring the research institutes innovate and produce both biological (variety) and mechanical technologies that are fit to the biophysical and socio-economic conditions in East Africa, and that the private sector is engaged in the R&D of these technologies. In Ethiopia, the focus of research is more on varietal development and the role of private actors is very limited;
  • Engage the private sector in developing and marketing available technologies from the research institutes to ensure improved commercialisation. In Ethiopia, the commercialisation of available technologies is almost nil. Even the improved varieties are often handled by public actors reducing the speed and extent of adoption of available technologies;
  • Ensure that farmers have the knowledge and skill in utilising available technologies from the above two actions
  • Improve the enabling environment, including the trade policies, infrastructure, financial and other services. If the rice sector is to be modernised, promotion of mechanisation is crucial, which demands easy access to finance. Thus, access to finance, especially for private actors, needs due attention.

Responding to the question ‘what was the one ‘big idea’ he heard during the conference that he thinks could help transform East Africa’s rice sector,’ Mr Abebe responded that all participating African countries know what they need to do to enhance the performance of their respective rice sectors, due to the fact that almost all countries have rice specific R&D strategies ready and that governments and development partners have shown commitments.

In relation to the question ‘what was the one ‘big obstacle’ that might prevent that transformation from occurring, and how might it be overcome,’ he reflected that as an outcome of the national conference, the key challenge identified was limited implementation of the designed national rice R&D strategies along with limited regional integrations timely.

Mr Abebe indicated that one ‘key issue’ that was missing from the conference discussions, which he thinks will need to be addressed to help transform East Africa, is the fact that large-scale commercial farms seem to be left out of the discussion, despite the fact that they are key drivers in technology adoption and addressing the challenge of self-sufficiency in rice.

Conclusion

Both the national and regional rice conferences gave the opportunity for relevant stakeholders to reflect the status, existing challenges and opportunities facing the respective countries’ rice sectors, along with the sharing of experiences.


For more information on the Ethiopia national rice conference, read the full event report.

Learn more about the other national EARC events, below:

How land reform transformed small towns in Zimbabwe


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland

Our recent paper – small towns and land reform in Zimbabwe – out in the European Journal of Development Research (open access) – explores some of the themes discussed last time for the Zimbabwe setting.

Over a number of years, we have been monitoring changes in three small towns in Zimbabwe, situated in different parts of the country (see map below).

The results point to a major growth in population, building and business activity (see Table below). This is substantially driven by a reconfigured local economy, with production from smallholder farming land reform areas (A1 resettlements) contributing to this.

Mvurwi’s growth has been driven by the tobacco boom following land reform, while Chatsworth has benefited from the growth of maize and vegetable production, but also the presence of popular churches in the area. Maphisa has grown thanks the cattle and mining economy, which is now more locally-rooted involving many land reform farmers.

Although contingent and context dependent, the changes that have occurred in each of the small towns can be summarised across four themes. The following sections are much-abbreviated extracts from the EJDR paper.

Business opportunities

The expansion of small- and medium-scale agriculture since land reform has resulted in income from agricultural surpluses being circulated locally, especially from A1 smallholder farms. This includes cash from sales of tobacco (Mvurwi), maize/horticulture (Chatsworth) and livestock (Maphisa). In Maphisa in particular this agricultural income is complemented by money from small-scale gold mining. This is generating demand for services, as well as opportunities for the sale of produce. Compared to the pre-land reform situation, there are many more businesses of all types in all three towns. There are five times as many hardware stores, four times as many grocery stores and food outlets, three times as many butcheries, double the number of bottle stores and bars, and five times more informal vendors. Transport has become a vital business linking the town with the wider agricultural hinterland.

Demography and difference: new people in town

In the last 20 years, populations have more than tripled; and this is just the permanent population, and not those who commute back and forth from the rural areas. Today there are new people in town. In Mvurwi in particular, former workers in commercial farms no longer have jobs on farms and have had to seek alternatives. Some have left, but many have stayed and become engaged in supporting new forms of local agriculture and become involved in town based business activities. Women and young people are especially important players in the new informal economy of these small towns. Women, for example, may be married to a man who received land through the land reform and will assist at the family farm, but also will be involved in trading businesses in town. Young people are often without land, missing out on land reform in 2000, but may live at home with their parents but run a business in the nearby town. Moving small distances, seasonally or daily, is the new pattern, with multi-locational households and multiplex livelihoods the norm. 

Rural-urban social relationships and networks

Land reform has created new rural-urban connections. In the past, the rural town was quite disconnected from the large-scale commercial farming operation, beyond being the source of labour and providing some inputs and services. Today such small towns are intimately linked in a much tighter, more integrated local economy. There are relations from rural to urban (marketing of produce, movement of people) and from urban to rural (supplies of labour, inputs, services and provision of transport). These linkages are fostered through social relationships, which have to be invested in. Making sure that a vending business in town thrives requires the vendor to have good relationships with suppliers in the nearby resettlement areas, with transporters to ferry goods to town, with council officials who collect rates and inspect premises and the police who invariably are looking for a bribe. Having a rural home nearby to return to is important, and today the rural areas surrounding these towns are now full of farms and people. Keeping close to ‘home’ – even if you do not have land – remains crucial, and the ability to be mobile and opportunistic is vital in the face of economic uncertainty, especially for young people.  

Planning, politics and governance

While there has been a building boom across the sites, generating opportunities for brick-makers, hardware suppliers, transporters and builders, the wider public infrastructure of all three small towns is in a poor state. The state has not invested significantly in basic maintenance and expansion of roads, sewage systems or electricity supply in these fast-expanding towns. The failure of the state (local and national) to provide for basic services and infrastructure in rural and urban areas is a source of deep resentment, especially when high-profile expenditures and rampant corruption are highlighted.   The standard, divided approach to urban administration and governance makes little sense, as people straddle urban and rural areas. With new interest groups and associated power relations, the politics of the urban-rural nexus after land reform has become highly contested, with a new rural-urban politics emerging. How this translates into reformed administrative and governance arrangements for small towns and associated rural areas remains a major challenge in Zimbabwe, as elsewhere.

Rethinking rural-urban development

As with the AGRA report discussed in the last blog, our paper concludes with a focus on ‘territorial development’:

“[The] post-land reform rural-urban configuration means going beyond a separated town and countryside focus to a wider spatial, territorial perspective, looking at sites of accumulation across rural and urban spaces, and the connections between them, focusing on how social and political relations and governance arrangements are able to support these. Small towns in this sense offer a window onto a new set of economic, social and political relations at the heart of Zimbabwe’s new agrarian landscape, and must be central to territorially-focused, regionally-connected local economic development efforts into the future”.

As a consequence, development priorities must change. As we note, “feeder roads to rural areas become important, as does the provision low-cost and safe market stands and temporary accommodation for mobile traders and business people. Equally taking account of the changing demographic composition of small towns in important, “with the need to provide safety and security for young and female mobile populations, who are essential to the urban economy often without permanent homes in town.” 

More broadly, assumptions of a simple linear ‘structural transformation’ in development – from rural to urban, from agriculture to industry, from small to larger scale – is challenged. A focus on the spatial relationship of local economies and food systems, and the territorial connections across rural and urban spaces, suggests that such transformations are much more complex. With a redistribution of land through the post 2000 land reform and the growth of especially smallholder agriculture that resulted, a very different, unexpected trajectory has emerged, more embedded in local territories, with integrated links between agriculture and urban enterprise.

As Zimbabwe continues to contemplate its post-land reform transition, a focus on small towns and the links to wider rural production systems must be central.  The next blog updates the story in the context of the pandemic where decentralisation of business operations to small towns has become essential.

Journal Article: A Revisit of Farm Size and Productivity: Empirical Evidence from a Wide Range of Farm Sizes in Nigeria

Written by: Oluwatoba J. Omotilewa, Thomas S. Jayne, Milu Muyanga, Adebayo Aromolaran, Lenis Saweda O. Liverpool-Tasie and Titus Awokuse

The relationship between farm size and productivity has been studied extensively in the agricultural and development economics literature. However, most of the documented evidence in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is based on samples of small-scale farms operating 5 ha or less, with very little evidence assessing this relationship over a wider range of farm sizes. This omission is especially important considering the rapid expansion of medium-scale farms in much of Africa. This study examines the farm size-productivity relationship over a range of farms between zero and 40 ha in Nigeria. It also tests whether there is heterogeneity in productivity within medium-scale farms depending on how they came into being. Using four measures of productivity, empirical estimates reveal a U-shaped relationship where the IR holds between zero and about 22 ha, turning positive afterwards. Moreover, when medium-scale farms are distinguished between those who were actively engaged as small-scale farmers and stepped up/expanded their scale of operation and those who were primarily in non-farm employment and later stepped into medium-scale farming, the turning point for farmers who stepped up into medium-scale farming is at 11 ha, in contrast to 22 ha for those who stepped in. Further evidence suggests heterogeneity in productivity within medium-scale farms depending on whether the owner-operators stepped up or stepped into medium-scale farming. These findings imply that policies facilitating smallholders’ ability to expand the scale of their activities could contribute substantially to growth in farm productivity, agricultural commercialization and increase in food security in Nigeria, although in most areas only a small proportion of smallholder households are in a position to do this.

From field research to policy influencing – what have we learned?

Written by Martin Whiteside

The Institute of Development Studies (IDS) has led consortia of UK and African organisations in two large programmes of policy research on the future of agriculture in Africa and inclusive commercialisation since 2005. This blog, building on ALRE Working Paper 1 and ALRE Research Note 4, explores what we have learned about policy influencing through these programmes.


Thirteen key lessons are evident. Although many of these lessons are not new, they are worth repeating as experience of these programmes shows their value in practice, and they are often forgotten in the heat of implementation.

Consider the political economy – understanding the political economy of the policy and practice environment to which the new evidence is supposed to be influencing is essential. A process like Participatory Impact Pathway Analysis[2] (PIPA) and/or constructing a policy influencing Theory of Change (TOC) can be a means of doing this, as long as the political economy power dynamics are considered. Whose interests are likely to be served by better evidence? Who are likely to play an enabling or an inhibiting role? Who are the allies? What are their interests? What are the time critical moments?

Design for demand – experience shows that demand-led policy influencing tends to be more effective (with evidence pushing at an open door). Plan the policy-influencing process from the start, alongside the research design to ensure there is user demand for the researcher-delivered evidence supply. Early involvement of evidence users, with elements of co-design and ownership building is ideal, but may be difficult to fully realise in practice due to timescales involved. Managing supply expectations may be important. The early use and periodic refresh of influencing planning tools, such a PIPA and/or an influencing orientated TOC, can be helpful.

Be demand responsive – understanding evidence demand is important; different audiences will need different formats and different emphases. Timing may be critical, evidence made available at the start of a policy review process may be enthusiastically received, the same evidence delivered after a policy has been decided may be ignored. Flexible and demand-led planning processes are needed to keep research programmes relevant in terms of both emphasis and timeliness.

Work in alliances – influencing policy involves specific skills, experience and interests. It is often more effective for evidence suppliers to work in advocacy alliances. Alliances may involve researchers focusing on their comparative advantage in evidence production, while advocacy organisations use the evidence in their influencing. In other contexts, different evidence producers may network together to produce mutually enhancing evidence, across sectors or across regions. Alliances may be formal or informal, temporary or longer lasting. Networks may already exist or need building. Organisations like donors, the private sector and national governments can often be advocacy partners in one context and targets of advocacy in others. 

Be nimble – despite the best made plans, policy change often does not follow a linear change process of evidenceàcommunicationà policy change. Adaptive planning (being ‘nimble’) is important to take advantage of changing opportunities, with shifting power and interests of policy change ‘enablers’ and ‘inhibitors’, and ‘moments’ of influencing opportunity. Having flexible funding, being able to respond to issues as they arise, and call on additional organisational and political resources is important and needs to be part of the programme design. Providing ‘space’ for reflection/discussion/qualitative processes/amplifying voices of change may be critical (policy influencing may be more akin to ‘gardening’ than ‘mechanic’ – creating the conditions for change to grow).

Institutions matter – emphasis is needed on the ‘how’ of implementing policy change and not just the ‘what’. Institutions and institutionalisation (of knowledge/thinking/approaches) are important in policy. Understanding the institutional environment for competing policies, competing interests and the institutional mechanisms for delivery is important. There is a difference between changing ‘policy’ and getting that new thinking owned, embedded, implemented and further developed by service sectors, local government and/or private business.

Personalities matter – individuals, positions and perceptions are part of the solution. New ideas may need to come from the ‘right’ level of person in the ‘right’ organisation with the ‘right’ national ownership. Personal relationships, trust and perceived integrity of evidence, messenger and message can be critical.  This may involve working with people who straddle the knowledge-policy space, providing them with evidence in the right format and creating the space to reflect, discuss and, when conditions are right, to implement. Identifying, listening and understanding these key ‘change-maker’ needs, dedicating time to building relationships, patience and persistence is all important.

Ownership matters – feeling ownership of evidence and conclusions is important. Policymakers are more likely to use evidence they have had an involvement in creating and are more likely to quote and be swayed by opinions of farmers that they have heard themselves. Early identification of end-users, combined with creative research design and appropriate budgeting may help incorporate evidence users into research planning, evidence generation, on-site experience and peer review, and thus generate wider ownership and deeper understanding.

Add value – complementing and enhancing existing research, evaluation or policy reflections and processes can be effective. Examples include complementing existing programme evaluations and/or quantitative data collection exercises with qualitative evidence needed to explain or provide the policy pointers of the other data. Sometimes this may involve creating the ‘space’ for informal discussion, or to reflect on a wider range of data sources, or to bring in perspectives from elsewhere.

Use multiple channels – in many cases policy influencing will require the use of multiple channels of communication using multiple formats through different networks. Presentation and interpretation of evidence is important. Distilling large quantities of research data into ‘Policy Briefs’ and policy relevant ‘nuggets’ may be more appropriate than academic papers. Blogs can be a good way of raising and refining issues and stimulating interest. Media days can be effective in enabling popular communication of new ideas and evidence and can also build longer term relationships in which new evidence can be fed to journalists, and also journalists can fact-check new stories with researchers.

Build capacity – resources and time may be needed for capacity strengthening in evidence-led policy change. Influencing skills may include political economy analyses of the policy change context, advocacy planning, networking and diverse communication approaches. Developing contacts and respect beyond the academic/research community may be equally important. A scheme like the ‘Early Career Fellows’ used in FAC provided both coaching and influencing experience that has proved effective in the longer term. 

Measure what matters – monitor, measure and evaluate what really matters. This may mean less emphasis on outputs (e.g. number of publications or number of workshops) and more emphasis on outcomes like changes in understanding and attitudes among key stakeholders, changes in policy and changes in practice. There may be a need for post-programme monitoring to learn from the actual outcomes and associated lessons from the longer-term use of evidence.

Be smart in mainstreaming difference – think carefully what gender and social difference mainstreaming means in practice. Plan explicitly how to incorporate gender and social difference into both the evidence generation and, crucially, into the policy influencing. This goes beyond reporting disaggregated data (e.g. by gender or other groups), to understanding (and testing) how policy implications are likely to impact on different groups, and how policy recommendations may be used (and misused) by others to pursue different vested interests.


[1] FAC – Future Agricultures Consortium (2005-2014) and APRA – Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (2016-22)

[2] PIPA – Participatory Impact Pathway Analysis

Small towns and agricultural development in Africa


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland

The most recent Africa Agriculture Status Report from AGRA, ‘Feeding Africa’s Cities: Opportunities, Challenges, and Policies for Linking African Farmers with Growing Urban Food Markets’ and led by MSU’s Steve Haggblade, makes the important link between the future of African urban areas and agricultural development.

On a wider, continental scale, it highlights many of the themes discussed before on this blog and summarised in a recent open access paper in the European Journal of Development Research on the role of small towns in agricultural development following land reform in Zimbabwe.  

As African populations become increasingly urban, the role of agriculture in feeding the nation becomes even more critical. According to the report, it means thinking hard about market relations, food distribution and transport, health and safety questions, within and cross-country trade and the range of policies that provide incentives for high quality food to be produced cheaply for urban consumers.

The report notes how “Currently, over half of Africa’s urban population reside in towns and small cities of less than 500,000 population. Even towns under 100,000 population account for nearly one-third of the urban people”. Thus, the urban transformation in Africa does not involve just the growth of mega-cities, but a focus on small and intermediate urban centres is crucial.

In Zimbabwe, as the relationship between town and countryside was reconfigured following the major land reform from 2000, this is a crucial, but much-neglected, development issue. Over some years we have been monitoring the growth of three small towns located in newly resettled areas – Mvurwi, Chatsworth and Maphisa. Our EJDR paper documents the results (see also earlier blogs).

Previously service centres and farm worker settlements for large-scale white-owned commercial farming, such farms have been transformed over 20 years. The growth of smallholder agriculture in the surrounding areas thanks to land reform has generated important markets and driven the growth of town-based activity.

As the AGRA report notes, “investments in small towns typically generate equitable agricultural growth and high levels of poverty reduction”. The reason is the close connections between small towns and surrounding agricultural areas, resulting in patterns of intensification and commercialisation of agriculture near such towns, alongside employment generation within towns.

New businesses in small towns are often micro, small, and medium enterprises. As the AGRA report notes, they “dominate the midstream and downstream of African food systems and that roughly 90% of all food retailing on the continent takes place through such firms”. This is what was termed in the 2019 AGRA report, the ‘hidden middle’, and such patterns are very evident in all three towns we have been studying.

With shorter supply chains and closer connections there is greater resilience to shocks. We have seen this with the COVID-19 pandemic, where links between rural and urban areas have been maintained, and food provisioning has persisted despite market disruption. This is a theme noted elsewhere, and highlighted by the report.

The AGRA report concludes that to support integrated, regional food systems, then a territorial approach is necessary, noting how:

“Core principles of territorial development initiatives include a broad spatial orientation encompassing a network of economically linked cities, towns, and rural areas, inclusion of multiple value chains and economic sectors, multiple levels of government administration (national, district, and municipal), and multiple stakeholder groups representing private, public, and civil society groups.”

This in turn means new foci for policy efforts linking agriculture with urban development, including working with town councils, municipal authorities, mayors, transporters, trader organisations and local development associations.

The AGRA report came out after our article was in review, but there are many parallels, with links to wider debates about small towns and rural development. The story we have been finding in Zimbabwe clearly has much wider resonance across Africa, and small towns and territorial development needs to be central to any integrated development agenda. Next time, the blog will highlight the more specific findings from our small town study in Zimbabwe.

Disseminating science amid COVID-19 restrictions: lessons from Ghana

Written by Vicentia Quartey

The findings of a recent APRA Ghana research project were shared with a range of stakeholders at a dissemination event on Wednesday, 17 March 2021 in Takoradi, Ghana. This workshop included a discussion of the team’s research and the implications of these findings. The outcome of discussions will be incorporated into subsequent analyses and reports on the APRA project, and contribute to informing policy and practices related to rural development, empowerment of women and girls, and food and nutrition security. This will ensure that this research is used to inform effective and relevant policy.


The COVID-19 pandemic has forced events that would typically be held in person to move online. While this shift is positive in some regards, it is not without limitations, notably the missed opportunity for networking and the spontaneous exchanges that in-person events afford.

Faced with an expectant stakeholder community of research participants eager to learn about the outcome of the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA) project to which they contributed, including smallholder farmers, oil palm companies and policymakers, it was essential that an accessible, timely dissemination event was organised. Challenges such as the smallholder farmers’ rural locations and limited or lack of access to online meeting technologies meant that this event also needed to be held locally, with an extended reach to the wider community. The key objective was to achieve an event that’s accessible – in terms of both language and reach – to our wide-ranging stakeholders at the local and the national level.

Our efforts –  planning an event responsive to the peculiar needs of all stakeholder groups – paid off. The result: a well-attended, COVID-safe, and accessible event that received coverage in regional and national media, providing an appropriate platform to disseminate our project findings.

Lessons learned

Organising a successful in-person event during COVID had its share of challenges, but we learned lessons throughout the process, and can now share advice to others hoping to achieve the same:

Choose a convenient location: To ensure maximum participation of research participants (end users of findings), we made the decision to hold the event in Takoradi, the capital town of the Western Region of Ghana, home to respondent communities. For us, this meant making the long, but totally worthwhile, three to four-hour road trip outside Accra. In Takoradi, we again chose a central location, the Western Regional Library, as it is both well-known and easily accessible.

These efforts not only secured maximum stakeholder attendance (by reducing travel time and effort), it also demonstrated our commitment to the pledge we made to return to respondent communities and share our findings, giving them the opportunity to make their voices heard.  The latter point is especially critical to building sustained stakeholder relationships and minimising incidences of research fatigue among respondent communities.

As many participants noted: “Researchers always approach us with research questionnaires and hardly return with feedback. We are happy that you came back to share findings and engage with us.”

Use accessible language: Aside from summarising results in reasonably non-technical language, we also ensured there was local language translation, volunteered by one of the stakeholders. This, coupled with the generally flexible and relaxed atmosphere of the workshop, allowed us to connect more effectively with participants and vice versa, making for very interactive sessions.

Mr Abass Mohammed, Ag. District Agric Director, provides local language translation support [Credit: Vicentia Quartey]

Involve the media: While we limited in-person participation to selected stakeholders only, as COVID-19 protocols oblige, we made sure to engage media representatives who had the capacity to provide coverage in local as well as national media. We granted interviews and provided additional information needed to facilitate reportage, and ensure that outcomes of the research and discussions are extended to the wider community.

Bringing it all together: Finally, it is advisable to get support. In this case, we engaged logistics and communications support, which saved us lots of time and proved helpful in ensuring a smooth and seamless coordination of the various aspects, players and stages of the event towards successful outcomes.

The research team (l – r): Dr Fred Dzanku, Dr Kofi Asante, and Louis Hodey [Credit: Vicentia Quartey]

See selected online reports, here: Ghana News Agency; My Joy Online

Working Paper 58: Understanding Gender and Social Differentiation in the Context of Agricultural Commercialisation and Implications for Livelihoods in Rural Malawi

Written by, Loveness M. Mgalamadzi, Mirriam Matita, Masautso Chimombo, Blessings Chinsinga, Ephraim Wadonda Chirwa, Stevier Kaiyatsa and Jacob Mazalale

Agricultural commercialisation is widely recognised as a catalyst to economic growth and development in low and middle-income countries. This study investigates gender and social differences in agricultural commercialisation in rural Malawi. Specifically, the paper analyses different levels of agricultural commercialisation among gender and wealth categories; the specific gender and social issues that facilitate or impede agricultural commercialisation among gender and wealth categories; and their implications for commercialisation and livelihoods among gender and wealth categories.

Rural livelihoods in the pandemic: notes from Zimbabwe


This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland

Half a million people have now been vaccinated in Zimbabwe, but this is still only 3.5% of the population. The Chinese Sinopharm vaccine has now been fully approved by the WHO for emergency use and Zimbabwe’s vaccination drive is in full swing. Even tourists from South Africa are taking advantage of vaccine availability for a fee. However, there have been hitches and hesitancy, and despite widespread adherence to basic hygiene/sanitisation measures, there is a general relaxation on social distancing and other COVID-19 prevention measures after so many months of restrictions.

It is perhaps not surprising that things have relaxed since the peak of the lockdown periods, given that case rates are low and recorded recoveries are high. The total number of cases recorded in Zimbabwe by 7 May was 38,403, while the number of registered deaths was 1,576. Compared to many other countries, this remains very low; although of course these are likely underestimates. And the effects of COVID-19 are very uneven geographically and socially too, with most cases and deaths recorded in Harare and Bulawayo and especially among relative elites. The rural areas where our team live and work remain largely unscathed by the virus.

Relaxed measures, but livelihood challenges remain  

In the rural areas, as our team reported in a conversation last week (this is the twelfth update in our COVID-19 blog series since March 2020), coronavirus is not the major concern. It is a busy time due to harvesting after a good season and, with the seasons changing, many are complaining of colds and ‘flus as the weather becomes colder. Livestock diseases continue to cause problems after the very wet periods, with the lumpy skin outbreak in Matabeleland causing havoc.

While there are fewer restrictions these days and no curfews, there’s still a lockdown and there are notional restrictions of business hours, although many do not observe these. Large gatherings remain banned, but there are plenty of drinking spots where people gather in numbers. Many have returned to normal business, although transport remains limited as private operators remain restricted.

Despite the relaxation, the police are always ready to extract bribes, and moving about remains a hassle. Informal gatherings for beer drinking are regularly raided, but those hosting these often have made advance deals with the police or can pay them off. Movement across borders for trade is especially challenging as there are so many requirements for tests, certificates and loads of paperwork. There is a steady business in forgeries and bribing of officials is apparently commonplace; although there have been some arrests of truck drivers and others for flouting the regulations.

In the rural areas, while the harvest has been good the lack of other sources of income is a challenge. Many have started small agricultural projects – vegetable growing, selling of chickens and so on – and there has been a proliferation of small tuck-shops in everywhere from labour compounds to the smallest village settlement. As one farmer commented, “We used to go to town for shopping, but now there is no need, as everything is here!” With the good harvest and the surplus of agricultural produce in all our sites, farmers’ clubs have been revived to allow for collective selling and helping farmers to source inputs.

Remittances remain important across our sites but have declined, especially from South Africa and Botswana. Many who returned from there during the COVID peak across the border have remained in rural Zimbabwe, unable to return. In our Matobo site in Matabeleland South migrants have become stuck, so have had to find other sources of income as they do not necessarily have their own fields. There has as a result been a massive increase in informal artisanal mining in the area, with many villagers profiting from selling food and renting out blankets for the filtration of sediment. This is mostly taken up by women who are making a steady profit, as apparently 600 Rand can be earned from a careful washing of each blanket rented to miners, retrieving the last bits of gold.   

Schools remain open, but many are working with staggered attendance. This means kids attend only two or three days in the week, with the burden of extra care falling on women. Some have sought out places in boarding schools, as the regimes are stricter and a more complete education can be offered, but in the rural areas this is only possible for those who have got good harvests and income, and this is especially in the tobacco areas.

Vaccine hesitancy and supply challenges

After the high-profile arrival of the Chinese vaccine and the televised inoculation of senior political figures, the rollout has continued across the country. Initially the focus was on ‘front-line’ workers, mostly health workers, and then the elderly were focused on. Now a wider population can get vaccinated, but the take-up is still patchy, a pattern repeated across Africa.

As reported before, many are worried about the vaccine. They have heard of blood clots from vaccines in other parts of the world (mostly the UK), and fear the same will happen to them. This may after all be a plot by foreigners to kill Africans, some argue. People wonder why those who produce so many of these vaccines – such as India and Europe – have been so badly affected. Maybe these vaccines don’t work? And in any case, with so little COVID around, why bother, especially as our local herbs and medicines seem to work well. Some of the religiously inclined argue that the great pestilence of COVID is just a sign that the second coming of Christ is imminent, and we should not worry but celebrate. And of course the rounds of social media rumours reinforce concerns and worries for many.

In our sites there have been no reports of vaccine side-effects but uptake even amongst health workers has been below 50% so far. Of the others, it seems to be mostly women who have been coming forward, along with older people. However, getting a vaccine is not always straightforward. Supplies have been uneven, so clinics may have run out, and a clinic may be 20 kilometres walk away. Many feel that it is not worth the effort of going so far. The idea of mobile delivery like other health outreach was recommended by some, arguing that this will get more to take the vaccine and the vaccines can be kept in cooler boxes for the day.

Across our sites, the availability, delivery and acceptance of vaccines is the highest in Hippo Valley. Here the major hospitals in Hippo Valley and Triangle are run by the sugar company, Tongaat Hullett. Workers on the estates, as well as contract farmers, have taken up the vaccine in droves. In part the supply is better, but some commented that they feared the company discriminating against them if they didn’t have a shot. Either they might lose their job or they might not be able to get access to company services. On the estate, a different set of rules applies.

Across the country, including widely in the rural areas in all our sites, there is on-going promotion of vaccination and other mitigation measures by the government, some churches, NGOs and others, and overall the general understanding of the disease and its prevention is high. Contrary to the politicised narrative from the urban areas about the clampdown on civil society (which certainly has happened), by-and-large people think the government is doing the best it can – a finding echoed in a large survey mostly of urban dwellers in February.

While the official media pumps out health messages, people confront many other sources of information via WhatsApp, Facebook and so on. There are parallel messages, with people often getting confused or anxious, particularly around vaccines.  Vaccine rumours abound, and it is difficult for most to sift fact from fiction. One rumour was set off in our Matobo site that the vaccine also prevented HIV/AIDS and there was a flood of people turning up at clinics until the rumour was dismissed. It is clear that HIV/AIDS still remains a much more live concern for many than COVID-19.

Life continues, but fears on the horizon

The big fear in Zimbabwe as elsewhere is the prospect of new variants. No-one wants to return to a full lockdown and as everywhere people have viewed the scenes from India with horror. The leaky borders, the dodgy certificates, the prospect of flows of refugees from the conflict in northern Mozambique and the opening up of international travel are all sources of concern. But meanwhile, people in our sites must get on with their livelihoods, generating a living in a challenging economy. There is a harvest to bring in and sell, gold to mine, vegetables to sell and livestock to look after. Rural life in Zimbabwe continues, despite the pandemic.

Pastoralism and climate change in West Africa: implications for policy and practice

21 June 2021
13:00–14:30

This event will discuss the intersection of pastoralism and climate change in West Africa. Livestock have a role to play in climate change – but at the same time pastoralism and livestock keeping provide critical livelihood pathways and cultural identity for millions across the region. Simultaneously, these people are among those seriously affected by climate change. Suggested contemporary policy directions have wide ranging and diverse environmental, cultural and practical implications for people, animals and environment across ecological zones in West Africa.

Experts from across social, climate and livestock sciences will provide short provocations based on current research and opinion on these themes. These presentations will be followed by a discussion, which will touch on issues of emissions mitigation, range management, sequestration, livelihoods, and ethnoprofessional activities and discourses. It will aim to connect these to policy concerns in Ghana and in the wider region, with a view to discussing relevant and timely research directions for the coming period.

Chair: to be confirmed

Speakers

About the Ghana Hub

This webinar is part of a series co-hosted by IDS, the University of Ghana and the University for Development Studies through the Ghana Hub. The Ghana Hub is a partnership between the Institute of Development Studies, the University for Development Studies, and the University of Ghana.  The Ghana Hub is part of the IDS International Initiatives, a global network that provides focus in countries at the leading edge of development thinking and practice due to accelerating environmental, economic, political and social change. It recognises that tackling challenges such as climate change, poverty and injustice requires knowledge sharing, mutual learning and collaboration inclusive of diverse perspectives within Ghana and globally. For more information contact Imogen Bellwood Howard or John Thompson, the Ghana Hub co-convenors. 

The webinars will convene leading experts to share latest research and ideas on themes shaping development in Ghana and West Africa. The aim is to bring together the Ghana Hub partners on a global platform, facilitating knowledge exchange and learning across disciplines and geographies that will contribute towards generating further research agendas and policy recommendations. The events will be suitable for academics, policy makers and practitioners with an interest in Ghana’s development trajectory.

Migration and mobility in Ghana and beyond: considerations for beyond Covid-19

Date: 26th May 2-3.30 UK

This event will examine recent research on migration and mobility in Ghana and West Africa, and discuss its implications and future trajectory.

Four experts in the field will present completed and ongoing research on movement within and across regions and countries. The themes addressed include the movement of youth, the role of environmental change, and the significance of inter-rural migration as well as migration between urban areas and their hinterlands. Presenters will hold a discussion, which will touch on the potential impacts of recent events, particularly the Covid-19 pandemic, on such migration and mobility. Participants are invited to bring their questions to the discussion, which will aim to sketch out important directions for research in this field in the coming period.

Chair

Speakers

  • Professor Akosua Darkwah, Associate Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, University of Ghana
  • Professor Joseph Teye, Director of the Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana
  • Dr Francis Jarawura, Lecturer, University for Development Studies
  • Dr Dorte Thorsen, Research Fellow, Institute of Development Studies

About the Ghana Hub

This webinar is the first in a series co-hosted by IDS, the University of Ghana and the University for Development Studies through the Ghana Hub. These webinars will convene leading experts to share latest research and ideas on themes shaping development in Ghana and West Africa. The aim is to bring together the Ghana Hub partners on a global platform, facilitating knowledge exchange and learning across disciplines and geographies that will contribute towards generating further research agendas and policy recommendations. The events will be suitable for academics, policy-makers, and practitioners with an interest in Ghana’s development trajectory. 

This webinar is hosted by the Ghana Hub, a partnership between the Institute of Development Studies, the University for Development Studies, and the University of Ghana.  The Ghana Hub is part of the IDS International Initiatives, a global network that provides focus in a country at the leading edge of development thinking and practice due to accelerating environmental, economic, pollical and social change. It recognises that tackling challenges such as climate change, poverty and injustice requires knowledge sharing, mutual learning and collaboration inclusive of diverse perspectives within Ghana and globally. For more information contact Imogen Bellwood Howard or John Thompson, the Ghana Hub co-convenors.